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Why some Indian journalists are trading newsrooms for YouTube

Sohit Mishra cut his teeth聽as a journalist working for New Delhi Television (NDTV), and his decision to quit one of India鈥檚 leading news channels was not easy. But he says the 鈥淒NA of the channel鈥� changed after its takeover in December 2022 by the Adani Group, a company headed by a close ally of Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

The final straw was an alleged diktat from the channel鈥檚 newly appointed editor-in-chief to 鈥渃reate a ruckus鈥� at a press conference held by Indian opposition leader Rahul Gandhi.

Mr. Gandhi had organized the event to call for a parliamentary probe into allegations of stock manipulation by the Adani Group. But according to a report by the NDTV editor asked Mr. Mishra 鈥� then the channel鈥檚 Mumbai bureau chief 鈥� to 鈥渃hange the narrative鈥� by asking questions about Mr. Gandhi鈥檚 controversies instead.聽

Mr. Mishra鈥檚 subsequent resignation from NDTV 鈥撀爓hich has denied the accusations 鈥撀爀choes the experiences of several Indian journalists, including vocal Modi critics, who have been driven out of newsrooms as the government鈥檚 .

Some, however, have found reprieve on YouTube.

The future of the platform as a journalistic outlet聽is uncertain. The government has drafted laws that would expand its regulatory power, and if Mr. Modi wins a third term in office in India鈥檚 national election, which concludes next week, observers say his administration is likely to impose further restrictions on the media.聽

But for now, says senior journalist and longtime media observer Pamela Philipose, it鈥檚 鈥渘ot surprising to see people leave mainstream [media] to join YouTube,鈥� as the site offers journalists 鈥渁 wonderful, very important quality ... independence.鈥�

鈥淭hey must seize it and make full use of it,鈥� she says.

鈥淭his is what journalism is all about鈥�

Government advertisements are a major source of revenue for Indian media houses, but they have also proved to be a cage, says Shyam Meera Singh, a young journalist who was fired by India Today Group 鈥� one of the country鈥檚 largest media networks 鈥� for criticizing the prime minister in posts on X.

Indeed, the Modi government has been accused in the past of 聽in retaliation for critical and adverse stories. Mr. Singh says this dynamic forces media organizations to censor their journalists. 鈥淵ou are free to criticize the opposition leaders,鈥� he says. 鈥淏ut the moment you choose to criticize PM Modi or [his Bharatiya Janata Party], you will face trouble.鈥澛�

Mr. Singh has since made the jump to YouTube, where he delves into the backgrounds of top news figures for more than . He points to a recent video investigating the rise of Ramdev, a powerful but controversial yoga guru-turned-businessman who owns Patanjali Ayurved 鈥� a conglomerate that, as of August 2023, was one of the top TV news advertisers in India.

鈥淣o mainstream media channel can make [that kind of video] today,鈥� Mr. Singh says. 鈥淐an you imagine the American media not being allowed to speak out against [Donald] Trump or [Elon] Musk?鈥�

For Mr. Mishra, whose has grown to over 375,000 subscribers in recent months, YouTube provides the freedom and flexibility to produce thoughtful news. 鈥淚n mainstream media, especially on television, there is a lot of pro-government bias, sensationalism, running around, and shouting loud,鈥� he says. But on YouTube, he adds, he has time 鈥渢o analyze things, to do hourlong interviews.鈥�

Last October, Mr. Mishra did a report on women from a remote village in India鈥檚 Maharashtra state who had no access to water. A day after the video was posted, the state arranged for water tankers to be sent to the village.

鈥淲ithin 24 hours, there was an impact,鈥� he says. 鈥淭his is what journalism is all about.鈥澛�

But despite the platform鈥檚 advantages, the shift to YouTube is extremely difficult for many journalists.聽

Costs of doing business

Mr. Singh says that India has a 鈥渧ery weak crowdfunding culture,鈥� and finding sponsors has been challenging. The revenue YouTube provides based on views is not enough to cover travel, video equipment, and other reporting expenses 鈥� necessities that reporters at major TV stations don鈥檛 need to worry about.

鈥淲hile [these networks] have the resources, they aren鈥檛 doing their job,鈥� Mr. Mishra says. 鈥淚f they would have been doing it, there wouldn鈥檛 be any need for independent journalism.鈥�

And although the ability to remain independent and politically neutral is a major draw of YouTube, Mr. Singh says the site鈥檚 algorithms still incentivize bias.聽

鈥淵ou have to pick the same side to keep your audiences with you,鈥� he says. 鈥淚f you take pro-left positions, you have to continue doing that blindly; otherwise you risk losing audiences.鈥�

On a platform where views matter the most 鈥� especially when it comes to revenue 鈥� that鈥檚 a risk that most small, independent journalists cannot afford.

Meanwhile, an effort to modernize and streamline the various laws governing India鈥檚 broadcasting sector has sparked concerns about overregulation and censorship. The proposed Broadcasting Services (Regulation) Bill, 2023 would extend the government鈥檚 regulatory reach to individuals using social media to disseminate news content.

Critics say that the draft allows the government to prohibit broadcasting services on the vague grounds of 鈥減ublic interest,鈥� without adequate guardrails. Ms. Philipose, who researches social media and journalism in India, believes the bill is 鈥渄esigned to finish off independent journalists.鈥�

Its future will be decided by the newly elected lower house of Parliament after India鈥檚 polls close next week. Media experts predict that if Mr. Modi and the BJP return to power on June 4, they鈥檒l throw their weight behind the bill, tightening their grip over independent and digital media.