海角大神

Debate amid Nicaragua unrest: Was the revolution fulfilled, or betrayed?

Andrea, a 20-year-old student, slides her bright pink Sandinista Youth membership card across the table in a crowded caf茅 in central Managua on a recent afternoon. It features the face of Nicaraguan President Daniel Ortega, and is emblazoned with the word 鈥渕ilitant鈥� in bright-yellow capital letters. Her picture, name, and address are on the back.

The card showed up in the mail unsolicited five years ago, but she was happy to claim membership. Growing up, she was taught about President Ortega鈥檚 role in the toppling of a dictator and his Sandinista movement's fight for equality and freedom. She was raised 鈥渁 diehard loyalist鈥� of Ortega, but, these days, she鈥檚 not sure what to do with her card.

When an independent youth movement 鈥� students angered by a proposed social security reform and Ortega鈥檚 increased authoritarianism 鈥� took to the streets April 18, she felt a pull to participate.

The Sandinista Youth is a government-funded organization of avid Ortega supporters, sometimes described as a paramilitary force for the government. In recent weeks, as anti-government protests have swept the country, the group has聽, and even been accused of聽, anti-government protesters.

鈥淚 was ecstatic when Ortega won in 2006,鈥� Andrea says of his return to office, after governing the country from 1979 to 1990. 鈥淏ut my frustration has been slowly building. Bit by bit he鈥檚 made changes not for the people, but about enriching himself and his wife, staying in power, and hiding the truth,鈥� she says.

鈥淚 began to see the difference between being pro-Sandinista, supporting the ideals of the revolution, and being pro-Ortega.鈥�

Like all young Nicaraguans flooding the streets lately, Andrea is a child of the 1979 revolution, which saw Ortega and other socialist guerrillas bring down a US-backed dictator. Her three aunts and mother fought in the revolution, and like most young people her age, she grew up hearing their bloody tales of revolution and the decade-long war that followed. The importance of standing up for democracy and freedom was hammered into her generation.

But today, the children of these revolutionary fighters are deeply divided over what it means to preserve the principles their parents fought for. Some, like Andrea, feel Ortega has traded in his socialist ideals for the type of authoritarian power he fought 40 years ago. Others benefit from his government鈥檚 social programs, and praise him for bringing stability and growth when many neighboring countries are struggling. These divides speak to the controversial figure that Ortega has become, as a new generation questions his legitimacy.聽But the divides may be less about their revolutionary ideals than their economic perspectives.聽

'The promised land'?

University students have been the driving force behind the protests that began after Ortega announced changes to the country鈥檚 social security system, which would have raised taxes and cut pensions. Frustration had already been mounting over how Ortega has destabilized democratic institutions since becoming president in 2007: appointing his wife as vice president, ushering in the end of presidential term limits, and cracking down on the media.

Thousands of protesters have taken to the streets, calling for Ortega to step down and demanding justice for the nearly 50 people confirmed killed in the unrest and violent crackdown. (Ortega has abandoned the proposed changes to social security.)聽

The Catholic Church has agreed to mediate talks, and the National Assembly plans to set up a truth commission to investigate the crackdown. But anti-government activists say they won鈥檛 come to the table until an independent commission is established. Meanwhile, Sandinista Youth members are digging in their heels, and have been accused of and covering anti-government marches.

On a recent afternoon, down the road from the country鈥檚 National Assembly, Ortega supporters stood in front of a hulking memorial for Venezuela鈥檚 late leftist President Hugo Ch谩vez, chanting 鈥淣icaragua is the promised land.鈥�

Mario, an analyst for the country鈥檚 tax collection agency, says Ortega has done what is necessary to keep the country peaceful and moving ahead economically. In his late 20s, and a member of Sandinista Youth, he sees things differently than Andrea. (Neither wanted to use their full name, given the political tensions and violence.)

鈥淚 grew up being taught the Sandinista flag defends the poor,鈥� he says. 鈥淚鈥檝e basically been a Sandinista Youth since I was born.鈥�

From a marginalized neighborhood on the outskirts of Managua, Mario is one of many who have been helped by Ortega鈥檚 social programs, which until recently benefited from millions of dollars in aid from Venezuela.

For Mario and other members of the Sandinista Youth, the students voicing their opposition to Ortega simply don鈥檛 understand the realities of poverty here. A lot of the gains Nicaraguans have seen under Ortega might be imperceptible for wealthier families, he says.

鈥淚 grew up poor 鈥� but things have gotten better for us鈥� under Ortega, he says. 鈥淭hose with money don鈥檛 need support鈥�. But, with this government, I鈥檝e studied and risen in the ranks in my job.鈥�

Both of Mario鈥檚 parents died when he was young. He was raised by his grandparents, who fought in the revolution and after the war held low-level positions in government ministries. Mario is the first in his family to go to college, something he attributes to Ortega鈥檚 policies.

A cross-class alliance

Young people who support Ortega tend to directly benefit from government programs,聽says F茅lix Maradiaga, director of the Institute of Strategic and Public Policy Studies in Nicaragua, citing his think tank鈥檚 recent research. These youths聽see Ortega and his wife Rosario Murillo鈥檚 centralization of power 鈥� which has come under fire during the current protests 鈥� as a second phase of the revolution, he adds.

鈥淭hese are people whose parents fought in the revolution, [they] grew up hearing the movement was hopeful, and they continue to depend on the government,鈥� Mr. Maradiaga says.

In fact, the mixed socio-economic makeup of the revolution explains some of the divisions among Sandinistas today, and more generally across the political landscape.

The Sandinista Revolution wasn鈥檛 鈥渢he poor and dispossessed rising and taking up arms and doing it on their own,鈥� says David Close, professor of political science at Memorial University of Newfoundland and author of 鈥淣icaragua: Navigating the Politics of Democracy.鈥� 鈥淭here really was a cross-class alliance there,鈥� he says. Yes, the Sandinistas always talked about helping the poor and the excluded, but the idea of being the party of the poor didn鈥檛 become its 鈥渃alling card鈥� until the 2006 election, Prof. Close says.

The Sandinista Youth has a stronger presence in poor, urban areas where government spending on social programs is concentrated; the group often delivers food aid or carries out other social projects. Outsiders describe them as Ortega鈥檚 鈥済oons,鈥� deployed as enforcers of the government鈥檚 will, to repress public protests and report on dissenters.

They believe in the government鈥檚 ideology and policies,聽says Eduardo Enr铆quez, editor of newspaper La Prensa.聽鈥淭hey are building houses, so they think they are helping poor people.鈥�

鈥淭hose who still support the government [are given] preference for jobs with the state and other benefits,鈥� Mr. Enriquez says, explaining why he believes many youth have remained loyal to Ortega.

But some say that loyalty is slowly chipping away 鈥� even for those who have benefitted from his time in office. When police and pro-government militias started attacking protesters last month, Maradiaga says it was a wake-up call.

鈥淭he mask of authoritarianism is off and a big part of the Sandinista Youth, seeing all the killings and repression, are getting tired of being manipulated and called on by the government,鈥� he says.

鈥淭hose protesting who believe the revolution has been betrayed,鈥� he says, that 鈥済roup is growing.鈥�

Whitney Eulich contributed reporting from Mexico City.