海角大神

It鈥檚 a chamber usually dedicated to governmental debate, but this time, things are different.

Here in the assembly room of the Hotel de Ville, Paris鈥檚聽town hall, council members have been replaced with local citizens, and law proposals have given way to public comment. There鈥檚 a 鈥渧ideomaton,鈥� a makeshift video-recording booth for people to express their thoughts on camera, as well as a whiteboard to jot down suggestions for change.

It is all part of France鈥檚 鈥済reat national debate,鈥� an effort to quell the raging 鈥淵ellow Vest鈥� protests that have shaken the nation since mid-November. For the next several weeks, French President Emmanuel Macron has called on the people to offer up their suggestions on better ways of governing in terms of the economy, education, the environment, security, and more.

While many view the national debate with skepticism, the initiative offers the French a chance to address their government and participate in decisionmaking for the first time since the French Revolution. Though its outcome remains unclear, the debate has provided a peaceful platform for citizen engagement and could be the boost the French need to restore their faith in the nation.

鈥淔inally, it鈥檚 a real forum where people have the choice in how the law is written; it鈥檚 not imposed,鈥� says Jean Isnardi, a Parisian who has stopped into the Hotel de Ville during his lunch break to contribute to what the town hall has dubbed a 鈥渇ree expression鈥� day. 鈥淚 think the debate can improve the malaise we鈥檙e experiencing in France.鈥�

鈥楤etter to talk than not to talk鈥�

In Romainville, an economically struggling suburb of Paris, the town hall is filled on a weekday night with locals looking to contribute to the debate. While some of the concerns are the same as those in Paris or anywhere in the country 鈥� housing taxes, buying power, and security 鈥� others are unique to Paris鈥檚 banlieue.

For Marie Ange, the lack of work and increasing safety issues in her neighborhood have brought her here, while Rafika Kaddour says immigration and social diversity are pressing issues for her suburb, where immigrants make up 23 percent of the population and poverty touches 27 percent.

Marie Coasne, one of the few young people in the room, says the format is interesting even if she doesn鈥檛 know what will come of the debates. 鈥淚 don鈥檛 know if we can talk about hope yet, but I wanted to seize this opportunity,鈥� she says. 鈥淚f we do, we won鈥檛 have any regrets. We will have tried.鈥�

Mr. Macron announced the national debate initiative in mid-January as a way for the French to voice their grievances in an increasingly tense national atmosphere. In his open letter that launched the debate, Macron put forward more than 30 questions and four general themes for the public to focus on: taxes, the organization of state administrations, the environment, and democracy.

He called upon mayors, deputies, and citizens to organize the debates in what he hoped would be聽town hall-style gatherings, though the formats are left up to local leaders to decide. Once the debates conclude on March 15, he said he will take the answers and study them for a month, after which he will come back to the public with the results, though he hasn鈥檛 said exactly what that will mean.

鈥淚鈥檓 skeptical about what these debates will change concretely, but what鈥檚 positive is the fact that it allows for debate in and of itself,鈥� says Guillaume Gourgues, a lecturer in political science at the Universit茅 Lumi猫re Lyon 2, who studies participatory democracy. 鈥淚t鈥檚 always better to talk than not to talk鈥�. It鈥檚 especially good for those who have become disinterested in politics.鈥�

Growing inequality

Much of the uncertainty about how the debates will play out stems from the fact that the initiative is a first for France. Not since the French Revolution has the government provided a public forum for citizens to formally express their thoughts on the state of the nation. The current government has taken its cues from King Louis XVI, who in 1789 ordered 鈥渃ahier de dol茅ances鈥� 鈥� lists of grievances from the working class, peasants, and middle class as a way to express themselves directly to the monarchy.

Claire Andrieu, a professor of contemporary history at Sciences Po Paris, says there is a significant parallel between the monarchical practice and that of the current Fifth Republic.

In 1789, 鈥渢he cahier des dol茅ances talked a lot about fiscal inequality; the nobility was largely exempt from paying taxes, while the bourgeoisie and especially peasants were affected,鈥� says Professor Andrieu. 鈥淭oday in the Yellow Vest movement, there are strong anti-fiscal overtones.鈥�

In 2017, Macron abolished an annual tax on the wealthy, which has caused many to call him elitist and out of touch with the people.

Andrieu says the act of asking for the cahier de dol茅ances was a major political event in the 18th century and has remained in the national memory because the resulting answers were conserved. This is something the current administration hopes will come to fruition as well.

鈥淥ur intention is to collect the concerns of the people and transmit them to the national government,鈥� says Pauline V茅ron, Paris鈥檚 deputy mayor of citizen engagement. 鈥淚f the same themes emerge, we could be looking at reforms or referendums. We obviously want these debates to result in something concrete.鈥�

Could the debates work too well?

But it is exactly the result of these debates 鈥� and the potential for society-altering changes 鈥� that have some French people concerned.

鈥淚鈥檓 worried that the debates could result in a referendum,鈥� says Dorsaf Meddef of Paris in the Hotel de Ville. 鈥淚 think the current mood in France is too tense, too angry, to conduct a referendum.鈥�

One of the demands of Yellow Vest protesters is instating Citizens鈥� Initiative Referendums (RIC) 鈥� a practice currently employed in a handful of European countries like Switzerland, where citizens are regularly asked to vote on policies. But it could be a risky move for the country as well as for Macron; in 1969, President Charles de Gaulle was forced to resign as a result of a referendum.

Some say turning to examples from other European countries is a better answer than conducting a national debate. Gerd-Rainer Horn, a professor of political history at Paris鈥檚 Sciences Po, says that in Germany the Green party was born out of the country鈥檚 major anti-nuclear movement in the early 1970s. By 1983, the Greens had made their entry into the parliament, offering a voice to the people before spreading to other parts of Europe. Now Green parties exist in most European countries.

And in Spain, the Indignados anti-austerity movement 鈥� which saw upward of 8 million Spaniards taking part in months of protest events 鈥� gave way to the Podemos party, which is now the second largest political party in Spain.

鈥淲hether the formation of a new political party is always necessary for change is hard to predict,鈥� says Dr. Horn. 鈥淏ut if nothing gives voice to a movement, it dies out.鈥�

A recent OpinionWay poll has shown that 67 percent of those surveyed think Macron鈥檚 national debate is a good thing. Dr. Gourgues, the political scientist, says that while the debates haven鈥檛 yet been enough to quell the Yellow Vest protesters completely, they鈥檙e allowing for a political engagement for even the most disenchanted.

鈥淭here are many different types of debates forming around the country [because of this initiative], not just those organized by the government,鈥� says Gourgues. 鈥淧eople feel involved in public affairs, and it鈥檚 a first for many. As a result, they want to continue to debate and push their ideas forward, whether it鈥檚 within the official confines of the national debate or not.鈥�