The U.S. and Iran each want something. But they are expressing that through sanctions and military provocations. How high can they escalate tensions before it slips out of their control?
Welcome to the Monitor Daily. Today we鈥檙e covering shifts in the U.S.-Iran confrontation, perceptions of sexual abuse allegations against the wealthy, what it鈥檚 like on-scene at the southern border, the culture and history of moon-related movies, and strange food at the Calgary Stampede rodeo.
But first, could President Trump lose Texas in 2020?聽 The state Republican Party is warning he could. It issued a fundraising email on Wednesday naming Texas 鈥溾 in the next presidential election, Newsweek reports. If GOP voters don鈥檛 show up,聽the email said, Mr. Trump might lose the White House.
Part of this is hyperbole meant to open wallets. But it also reflects real concern. Democrat Beto O鈥橰ourke nearly unseated GOP Sen. Ted Cruz last November. The state鈥檚 Hispanic population 鈥 and increasing numbers of educated whites 鈥 theoretically could turn Texas blue within a few years.
That brings us to the citizenship question and the census.
Yes, the U.S. Supreme Court has blocked the administration from adding a citizenship question to the 2020 survey.
But Mr. Trump has ordered the government to glean that data from other records. And the underlying goal remains: eliminate noncitizens from the data used to draw political boundaries.
Republicans would benefit if the Supreme Court allows this switch. Texas is a great example why. Boundaries based on citizenship would enlarge the power of red rural areas. And Texas Republicans could gain .
Texas鈥 slide to the left could be slowed, or blocked.
Citizen-only districts probably won鈥檛 happen by 2020. But it鈥檚 an example of what鈥檚 at stake in battles over gerrymandering, voter ID, and other election issues. The structure of voting can determine whose voices count.