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Free speech in Afghanistan? Who is silenced by Taliban, and why.

For the Taliban, apparently, Naveed Jan had proved himself too dangerous to be allowed to live.

Despite limiting himself to modestly critical social media posts after the Taliban seized control of Afghanistan, the civil society activist was hauled away by the Taliban in late November.

Mr. Jan was never to be seen alive again by his family, who have posted photos of his body online and mourn him as a 鈥渕artyr of free speech.鈥�

For the two decades of U.S.-led intervention in Afghanistan, during which freedom of speech blossomed, the Taliban waged an insurgency whose tactics included bombing media outlets and an assassination campaign that targeted civil society activists and journalists.

Yet in August, Taliban spokesman Suhail Shaheen declared, 鈥淲e believe in freedom of speech.鈥� Indeed, since taking control, senior Taliban officials have submitted to being grilled on nationwide television channels by some of the journalists they once sought to kill.

But the lethal result for Mr. Jan illustrates the risks of criticizing the new order in Afghanistan, even as the Taliban demonstrate an array of differing standards over what they consider acceptable levels of free speech 鈥� from taking tough questions on TV, on the one hand, to stamping out women鈥檚 rights protests and beating, jailing, and even killing Afghan activists and media workers, on the other.

Those Afghans wanting to freely express critical views have been subjected to months of intimidation and fear, often being hunted by the Taliban, according to a multitude of testimonials.

Grassroots control

Taliban actions so far reveal both a sparse commitment to freedom of speech and a fierce determination to snuff out local voices of dissent 鈥撀爊o matter how marginal 鈥� in the service of the Taliban鈥檚 self-declared Islamic Emirate. Analysts say that鈥檚 in keeping both with the Taliban鈥檚 thin skin, and with their approach to imposing control over Afghan society.

鈥淭he problem, when it comes to criticism, is the Taliban don鈥檛 go for the big fish; they go for the small fish,鈥� says Rahmatullah Amiri, a Kabul-based independent analyst and expert on the Taliban. 鈥淭hey are very systematically targeting those small fish to close the chapter on freedom of speech.

鈥淭he Taliban belief is always that you have to work from the low level, that if you don鈥檛 control community from the grassroots, you won鈥檛 be able to control it at the national level,鈥� Mr. Amiri says.

鈥淚f you want to make sure there is no future forest, you don鈥檛 cut the big trees; you [instead] don鈥檛 allow the little trees to grow,鈥� he adds. That strategy has evoked little international outcry and has been used effectively for years to 鈥渁chieve broader aims,鈥� he says, compared with the 鈥渆asily noticeable鈥� targeting of higher-profile people.

A grim case study is that of Mr. Jan, who held two bachelor鈥檚 degrees, in agriculture and economics, and had opened a stationery shop after the Taliban took over his city of Lashkar Gah, capital of the southern Helmand province. The sarcasm about Taliban rule that he expressed on Facebook in late November drew unexpected attention.

Mr. Jan posted that protesting teachers should not demand salaries from the Taliban, who 鈥渢hemselves don鈥檛 have bread鈥� and were asking local residents for food and charity.

A family鈥檚 pleas

Within days, several Taliban fighters came to his house, demanding 鈥渢o meet Naveed,鈥� family members recall. They took his phone, forced him into their car, and took the 24-year-old to a local security headquarters.

The first family members who went to get Mr. Jan released were told that his Facebook posts were 鈥渁gainst the Taliban,鈥� but that he would soon be free. The next day, Mr. Jan鈥檚 white-bearded father went with other family elders to plead that his son had 鈥渕ade a mistake鈥� that would not be repeated.

The Taliban again promised his release. But a day later, the Taliban commander who had promised Mr. Jan鈥檚 freedom told the father, 鈥淵our son is not here,鈥� and denied that he ever had been.

On the fourth day, the family marshaled 50 community elders, but it was too late. They now share images online of Mr. Jan, including of his lifeless body, showing signs of torture, which was found floating near the banks of the Helmand River, dressed in the same clothes in which he was taken away.

鈥淚 don鈥檛 believe Taliban promises, because the Taliban act against all their slogans,鈥� says Sharif Sharafat, a brother of Mr. Jan. 鈥淭here are many examples of Naveed, but no one can raise their voice.鈥�

Experts on the Taliban had predicted a shriveling of freedoms if the jihadis were to ever again seize control, after they were ousted from power by the U.S. military in 2001. Since then the media 鈥� often accused of working for 鈥渋nfidel occupiers鈥� 鈥� have been particular prey. A targeted assassination campaign stepped up in mid-2020 killed scores, from female judges to television anchors.

In late September, media regulations issued by the Taliban banned reports 鈥渃ontrary to Islam,鈥� that 鈥渋nsult national figures,鈥� or that 鈥渃ould have a negative impact on the public鈥檚 attitude.鈥�

The provisions were 鈥渟o broad and vague as to prohibit virtually any critical reporting about the Taliban,鈥� Human Rights Watch noted at the time. In late November, amid reports of death threats against journalists, further media rules banned films 鈥渁gainst鈥� Islamic values and dramas with female actors, and made wearing head covering mandatory for female journalists on TV.

One female Afghan journalist, writing anonymously in the London Guardian newspaper Wednesday, describes being on the run from her home province since August, when the Taliban 鈥渟tarted to hunt those who had spoken out against them.鈥� She receives constant threats, which describe 鈥渢he awful things they will do to me.鈥�

鈥淭hey tell me they will kill me if they find me,鈥� writes the journalist. 鈥淚 block the numbers they call me from, but they just call me from a different number or ... on WhatsApp and other messaging platforms. I have blocked more than a hundred numbers so far.鈥�

She writes that a former colleague was recently discovered by the Taliban, and 鈥渢hey claim they tracked him using the GPS on his phone. ... I am terrified they will find me.鈥�

A sensitivity to tone

Such Taliban zeal is not uncommon for a jihadist organization with a sacred view of its mission.

鈥淔or the Taliban, it鈥檚 not about freedom of speech, or whether what [someone] wrote was right or wrong, but [activists] are waking others,鈥� says Mr. Amiri, the analyst. 鈥淚f they see that this guy is systematically posting and tweeting about the Taliban state, they take that seriously.鈥�

More important than the criticism itself is the tone, he says. Making fun and using sarcasm is one Taliban trigger.

鈥淭he Islamic Emirate is very pure; they believe in this,鈥� says Mr. Amiri. 鈥淭hey believe that bad-mouthing the emirate is like a sin.鈥�

Some of those 鈥渆nemies鈥� 鈥撀爋nce found 鈥� are given a choice, like one former human rights activist in northwestern Faryab province. He had been an outspoken critic of the Taliban and in the past often received warnings and death threats.

According to colleagues, when this activist was arrested, the Taliban planned to kill him, but community elders intervened to prevent it. The Taliban told him, 鈥淵ou have one chance to work for us, and reflect our activities as positive, or we will kill you.鈥�

His Facebook page today includes comments such as, 鈥淭aliban should be praised for good rule enforcement. A government that doesn鈥檛 have hard rules is not strong, and is impossible to rule Afghanistan.鈥�

The former activist鈥檚 followers have reacted with disdain. One called him a 鈥渟pokesman鈥� for the emirate who should examine his conscience. Another complained about 鈥渉ow much we were deceived鈥� by this 鈥渨olf in sheep鈥檚 clothing.鈥�

Yet one Taliban follower heaped praise, saying that 鈥渁fter years of ignorance, you well realized the truth. ... The gate of repentance is still open; turn to God and be a good Muslim.鈥�