鈥榃hy did we fight?鈥� Challenge of governing is wearing down Taliban.
| LONDON
The veteran Taliban fighter once strove for martyrdom on the Afghan battlefield of what he considered an Islamic revolution.
But the Taliban insurgency鈥檚 lightning victory in August has yet to bring a long-promised paradise, says Rahmatullah. Instead, he fears, it鈥檚 revealing internal divisions, even resentment.
鈥淲e struggled and fought in extreme poverty. Now our leaders are ruling and have luxury cars and lots of facilities, but the majority of mujahideen don鈥檛 have salaries and their families are worse off,鈥� says the fighter, who uses one name.
Why We Wrote This
Defeating an enemy on the battlefield is one thing. Governing with vision, and a plan that benefits millions of people, is another. The stress on the so-far overmatched Taliban is showing.
鈥淪ome of the lower echelons of the mujahideen are now wondering, 鈥榃hat was the benefit of our struggle, and why did we fight?鈥欌��
To be sure, there is peace today and relative security, a balm to all Afghans after 40 years of war. And Taliban leaders, fighters, and many Afghans welcome restoration of the self-declared Islamic Emirate, and its strict interpretation of Islamic law.
But the Taliban听are fast finding that winning a war is easier than governing, say analysts, and are overwhelmed by the challenge of feeding and ensuring services to some 40 million people.
The transition to governing has been made more difficult听by the shut-off of critical cash from Western donors 鈥� money that propped up Kabul governance for years 鈥� as well as widespread drought and displacement, as winter approaches.
With no cash and听no plan, a multitude of rifts are听emerging among the Taliban. And they听are already breeding resentment 鈥撎齜etween regions, between haves and have-nots as they tussle over the spoils of victory, and between those who dreamed of an Islamic revolution but are getting a power grab by a movement that never thought through the basics of ruling an entire nation.
鈥淭here is a clear understanding among the leadership that it鈥檚 way more problematic than they thought it would be, so right now they are under pressure to control their own men,鈥� says Rahmatullah Amiri,听a Kabul-based independent expert on the Taliban.
The Achilles鈥� heel of Taliban rule may not be the threat from听militants like Islamic State, he says, but how the dangers of mass hunger and a failing economy might exacerbate intra-Taliban divisions and spark broader discontent.
鈥淭he biggest thing they didn鈥檛 think about is the economy,鈥� says Mr. Amiri, noting the importance of Western donor funds resuming. 鈥淭his is way beyond their imagination, way beyond their capacity to understand.鈥�
It鈥檚 no longer just about residents of rural and often remote areas under insurgent Taliban control, he says.听鈥淚t鈥檚 about millions and millions of people.鈥�
Leaders鈥� promises
When the Monitor first met Rahmatullah in February 2020 鈥� the day after he had helped blow up a nearby bridge 鈥� the fighter whose nom de guerre of Mullah Sarbakhod means one who rushes forward wildly, without thinking, was already expressing distrust of Taliban chiefs, 鈥渋f they prefer money or promotions to the dangers of the front line.鈥�
Interviewed this week in Wardak province, southwest of Kabul, he cites frequent disputes over confiscated vehicles and property, and instances where Taliban from southern provinces like Kandahar and the Haqqani network tell groups like his, from Wardak, to leave the capital and 鈥渞eturn to their villages,鈥� sowing resentment as they impose their own grip on power.
鈥淚 am sure if they don鈥檛 solve these problems, dissatisfaction will arise and lead to conflict in the future. Maybe some of the Taliban will change their ways, and leave the Taliban forever,鈥� says the fighter. 鈥淣ow is the time for our leaders to live up to their promises to the Afghan nation.鈥�
Failure to meet expectations 鈥� among Taliban faithful and civilians alike 鈥撎齝ould lead to an unraveling for the jihadis, who are already deeply unpopular in many provinces, and often thin on the ground.
鈥淭hey don鈥檛 have the means to provide economic improvements to the community, and people get hungry,鈥� says Mr. Amiri. 鈥淐rime will increase. A time could come when people will take arms against them because of lack of jobs.鈥�
A father鈥檚 story
That would not surprise the father of Mullah Zahid, a 22-year-old former Taliban fighter who joined the insurgency at the age of 16 in Wardak province but today exemplifies how some true believers have been forced to steal to get by.
According to his father, Mullah Zahid said, 鈥淭he Taliban promised us that after victory they would give important positions; everyone will be paid a good salary.鈥� But the son received no money while deployed in Kabul, and ate only bread and water, recounts the father, who was contacted in Kabul and asked not to be named.
Mullah Zahid told him: 鈥淭here was nothing to eat, so we started stealing because there was no other option. Several times we stole from people鈥檚 houses, and it was a big shame for us to threaten people to pay us. Also, we stole computers from government offices and sold them in the bazaar, and sold our weapons, for food money.鈥�
Such moves were once unthinkable, from a group that made its name imposing harsh punishments like amputating the hands of thieves.
When Mullah Zahid asked Taliban officials to pay for food, he was told to keep waiting. 鈥淲e saw they had luxury cars and homes; they had a lot of money and enough food, but we were always hungry,鈥� his father quoted him as saying.
Last week, Mullah Zahid left the Taliban and went to Iran, in search of work.
鈥淭here was no jihad,鈥� says the father. 鈥淭he Taliban fights for money and power, but our sons give big sacrifices. We will never forgive them.鈥�
鈥淎n ill-thought-out power grab鈥�
Such sentiment will do little to help the Taliban consolidate power, as the former insurgents struggle to satisfy a population dramatically changed since the Taliban last ruled Afghanistan 20 years ago.
鈥淎 lot of Afghans have concluded it isn鈥檛 an Islamic revolution; it鈥檚 an ill-thought-out power grab, which rather delegitimizes the Taliban,鈥� says Michael Semple, an Afghanistan expert at Queen鈥檚 University Belfast and former adviser to the European Union in the country.
听
Another abiding impression among Afghans is that the Taliban 鈥渁re steeped in their clannishness,鈥� and used their power grab 鈥渢o distribute the fruits of victory within their own very well-defined circles, so there鈥檚 no issue of serving the population,鈥� says Mr. Semple.
One scenario Afghans suggest is that 鈥渢he sheer inability of the Taliban to cope ... means they really won鈥檛 survive more than six months 鈥� I think that has to be taken seriously,鈥� he says.
Yet, whether or not an overthrow is even feasible, the 鈥渂asic point is the current Taliban administration is incredibly, inherently fragile, for now,鈥� Mr. Semple says. 鈥淭here鈥檚 nothing inevitable about the Taliban remaining in power in this form.鈥�
Recognizing that risk for themselves, the Taliban 鈥渞eally are moving fast to deploy an authoritarian apparatus to try and snuff out all forms of resistance, civil or military, before they really take hold,鈥� says Mr. Semple.
An obligation to improve lives
But the Taliban are finding that they control far fewer variables than they once did, when they could count on widespread anger about the foreign military presence, corruption in Kabul, and their Islamist message to fill their ranks.
Suleiman Roostami, a long-bearded and young-faced Taliban district commander in Wardak, is hopeful that his years of fighting were not in vain, and that Taliban chiefs 鈥渨ill give the rights to all people, including women.鈥�
At the same time, he voices concern that the quest for power by some in the Taliban will overshadow their obligation to improve the lives of the Afghan people.
When the Monitor first met Mr. Roostami in early 2020, he noted the futility of continued war 鈥� a realization that stemmed from an attack by his unit on a police post. A dozen people died in that clash, but nothing changed. He expressed the hope then that both his young sons and daughters could all be educated.
But now he tells how his unit, among the first to enter Kabul, was forced to hand over vehicles, captured facilities, and heavy weapons to Taliban from Kandahar and the Haqqani network. They 鈥渄espise鈥� Wardakis, he says, and 鈥渁re seeking to gain more power ... which may become a big problem in the future [and] very bad for the Taliban.鈥�
Also important is 鈥渟ocial justice鈥� for fighters who have sacrificed for years, he says. Failure to provide that could mean most regional Afghan warlords 鈥渨ill be against the Taliban, and it will pave the way for a new conflict and war,鈥� says Mr. Roostami.
Taliban leaders should also improve citizens鈥� quality of life, says Mr. Roostami. 鈥淚f they don鈥檛 pay attention to this, I am sure all the nation will be against us.鈥�
Hidayatullah Noorzai and a correspondent in Maydan Shar, Wardak province, contributed reporting for this article.
