海角大神

When most people think of the Bataclan these days, it鈥檚 not the venerated theater where rock bands have been playing since the 1970s which comes to mind. Rather, it鈥檚聽Islamist terrorism, after 89 people were killed there during a concert in November 2015.

So when news spread this fall that a rapper named M茅dine, who once named an album 鈥淛ihad鈥� and is openly critical of secularism in France, will play the Paris venue in the fall, the far right was outraged. 鈥淚s it normal that a militant, fundamentalist Islamist goes to the Bataclan to express his hatred and defend ideas that I believe are inciting crimes?鈥� asked France鈥檚 far-right leader Marine Le Pen.

Muslims, in kind, pointed to her comments as yet another example of intentional misunderstanding about Islam, overshadowing what M茅dine is trying to say about the Muslim experience in France. Instead, they say Ms. Le Pen鈥檚 remarks breed the kind of victimhood often at the heart of the Muslim extremist narrative.

鈥淚t鈥檚 like a showdown between two legitimate symbols,鈥� says Karim Amellal, who sits on a commission of French President Emmanuel Macron to fight anti-Semitism and Islamophobia. 鈥淭he Bataclan, which is a very symbolic place because of the terrorist attack, and M茅dine and Islam.鈥�

The face-off also points to the start of what often becomes a vicious circle of extremism, in which far-right groups and Muslim extremists don鈥檛 just use the same language of exclusion 鈥� to divide the population essentially between Muslims and everyone else 鈥� but depend on one another for legitimacy.

That鈥檚 the conclusion of a new report that looked at both sides of extremism in Germany and how groups rely on one another to reinforce their own views. As the threat of terrorism remains high across Europe 鈥� at the same time that far-right arrests have risen in Britain and anti-terrorist police busted a cell of far-right extremists in France who allegedly planned to kill Muslims 鈥� observers are scrambling to break the cycle.

鈥淚t鈥檚 partly about the politics of the spectacle of confrontation,鈥� says Ben Gidley, a senior lecturer of sociology at Birkbeck, University of London who worked on a 2014 study on what drives extremism in British society. 鈥淓very time [a far right leader] is on television saying something inflammatory, that fuels the anger about extreme Islamism which gives an opportunity to the entrepreneurs of panic on the right to put their message into the public sphere. Once you have a spectacular appearance on one side, it gives a platform to the other.鈥�

Mirrored movements

The study in Germany by the Jena Institute with the London Institute for Strategic Dialogue looked at far-right and Islamist content online between 2013 and 2017 on Facebook and Twitter, as well as on gaming apps and secret channels.

The study鈥檚 authors say the two groups utilize similar rhetoric and symbols, historical references, and memes 鈥� an attempt to extinguish middle ground and recruit new members to their cause by offering a sense of identity.

They often co-opt each other鈥檚 language. Far-right groups have called for 鈥渨hite jihad,鈥� for example. And Robert Timm, the leader of white nationalist group 鈥淚dentit盲re Bewegung鈥� in Berlin and Brandenburg, refers to himself as an 鈥渆thno-jihadist鈥� on his Twitter profile.

鈥淭hey鈥檙e essentially telling the same story,鈥� says Jakob Guhl, project associate at the London Institute for Strategic Dialogue. 鈥淭he West is at war with Islam and it鈥檚 just a matter of who鈥檚 the good guy and who鈥檚 the bad guy.鈥�

Social media companies have more vigorously starting shutting down Muslim extremism. Germany has worked to tackle some of it on the far right with a new law that requires social media companies to delete hate speech. 鈥淥ne is not less dangerous than the other,鈥� says Maik Fielitz, who conducted the study from Germany. 鈥淭hey are both trying to destroy the foundation of an open society and also initiate a spiral of polarization.鈥�

Mr. Guhl also says media and politicians have a responsibility to give less space to extremist voices too.

Breaking the cycle

At its most extreme, the hate becomes terrorism.

In Britain, the number of arrests for terrorist-related activities has risen steadily, as it became a focal point of terrorist activity in 2017. The majority was categorized as holding Islamist-extremist views 鈥� 82 percent, according to Home Office statistics 鈥� but the proportion of those holding far-right ideologies has increased too, the statistics show. Some 29 individuals with far-right ideologies were in prison as of March 2018, up from 9 the previous year.

In France, ten people suspected of belonging to a radical far-right group were arrested at the end of June over an alleged plot to attack Muslims. Police linked them to a shadowy group called the Operational Forces Action, which explicitly calls on the French to fight Muslims.

It was a reminder in France that Muslims are in terrorists鈥� line of fire just as much as non-Muslims. It was only two years ago, in the truck rampage in Nice on Bastille Day, that many Muslims were among those killed and injured in an attack committed in the name of Islam, says Sylvain Cr茅pon, a political scientist at the University of Tours. 鈥淎mong the victims there were veiled women, practicing Muslims. We saw that the French population could become victims, regardless of if they were Muslim or not,鈥� he says. 鈥淚t was a huge wake-up call.鈥�

The recent arrests in France underscore that point further. Too often the media and politicians refer to acts committed by far-right groups as perpetrated by someone with mental health issues, or a lone wolf, not a terrorist.

Mr. Gidley in Britain says that labeling far-right violence 鈥渢errorism,鈥� whether in political discourse, media coverage, or within civil society, is a solution to breaking the cycle. 鈥淚t's really important,鈥� he says, 鈥渢o challenge the association of terrorism and Islamism which contributes to the anti-Muslim discourses that feed the far right and to have clarity to challenge it properly, that there is a problem with right-wing terrorism.鈥�

He also says policy makers need to create more space for cultural mixing and frank talk about people鈥檚 concerns amid demographic change.

鈥淭here need to be more opportunities for people to air their grievances, to feel listened to,鈥� he says. 鈥淚f there are concerns about migration or foreign policy, instead of making them into taboo topics, create opportunities to allow people to feel listened to so they don鈥檛 get channeled into extremist ideology.鈥�