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Will May 2013 go down as France's May 1968, part deux?

As protests against President Hollande and France's new gay marriage law roil France, some draw parallels with the protests 45 years ago that nearly toppled Charles de Gaulle.

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Jean-Paul Pelissier/Reuters
Vincent Autin (l.) and Bruno Boileau speak to journalists after getting married at the town hall in Montpellier, France, today. The two men are the first same-sex couple to marry in France under a reform which has stoked some of the ugliest protests in the country in decades.

In the south of France, Vincent Autin and Bruno Boileau prepared for the biggest day of their lives 鈥 their wedding 鈥 today in Montpellier under the most unusual circumstances: Up to 100 police officers stood guard outside the town hall where they wed in France's very first gay marriage ceremony.

It is the culmination of a months-long 鈥 and at times ugly 鈥 battle between anti- and pro-gay-marriage protesters. And taking no chances, Montpellier was under tight security. Even though just a handful of anti gay marriage militants attempted to thwart the wedding and were swiftly taken into police custody, opponents of gay marriage are determined to continue protesting 鈥 even if "marriage for all" is now enshrined in French law.

The most recent demonstration against the law came on Sunday, days after it was approved by France's highest constitutional powers. It was one of more than a half dozen to be organized in the past year. One of them was the biggest around a social issue in 30 years. They鈥檝e attracted not only conservatives condemning the law, but also some on the far right and those simply opposed to French President Fran莽ois Hollande. At the fringes they have been marked by violence, clashes with riot police, and scores of arrests.

Against a backdrop of plummeting popularity for President Hollande, as economic problems persist, including stubborn unemployment and now a recession, some had warned that this movement could mark a turning point in the national mood, converging into major civil unrest. When daily newspaper Le Figaro asked readers if May 2013 could turn into another May 1968 鈥 when student protests turned into massive general strikes that nearly toppled the government of Charles de Gaulle 鈥 , 51.5 percent, said yes.

Defending family values?

Hollande faces record unpopularity and many challenges ahead. This month saw the annual Labor day marches, protests against Hollande鈥檚 first year in government by the extreme left, an annual far right demonstration on May 12, and Sunday鈥檚 anti-gay-marriage march. Police estimated Sunday's march to be 150,000 people; Organizers put that figure at a million.

Although Hollande鈥檚 administration had warned the protest could degenerate into violence and urged protesters not to bring their children, the march was generally not confrontational. Little boys and girls in dresses and tights filled the esplanade, as did babies being pushed in strollers in what was also France鈥檚 Mother鈥檚 Day.

The attendants, many of them older, well-dressed couples and young families, seemed singularly focused on the issue of gay marriage. They carried signs reading 鈥淲ho is my father?鈥 or pictures of babies asking, 鈥淢y mother is named Robert?鈥

Sabine Lacroix, a retired secretary sitting on the grassy field with her friends and neighbors, says her motive is simple: 鈥淭his is a direct attack against the family,鈥 she says.

Nonetheless, the rallies themselves have become increasingly political.

A dozen activists climbed to the roof of the headquarters of the Socialist party Sunday, hanging a sign that called for Hollande鈥檚 resignation.

The marchers have been joined by opposition leaders and conservative figures, such as far-right politician Marine Le Pen, who have used rallies as a platform to contest Hollande鈥檚 administration. The government accused them over the weekend of stoking divisions and radicalization.

Just days before Sunday's march, a far-right historian committed suicide at the altar of Notre Dame Cathedral, after posting a blog entry railing against the 鈥渧ile鈥 law, he wrote.

Louis Guillaumebarry, a high school student at the Sunday protest with his friends, says that they attended the rally to defend family values. If youths in 1968 were seeking change, they are seeing preservation of society. 聽鈥淚n 1968 youths made France better,鈥 he says, 鈥渘ow it鈥檚 our turn.鈥

Not May 1968

But May 2013 is unlikely to be recorded in history as pivotal.

鈥淢ay 1968 was an unpredictable, spontaneous event,鈥 says Jacques Sauvageon, a retired art history professor and key actor during the May 1968 student protests. Protesters in May 1968 had no precise objective, he says, but found a common enemy in the government.

Today, he says, there are several issues, from gay marriage to unemployment, that people are protesting, but their objectives are more disparate and the mood is not one of immediate change, he says. For example, a poll last Friday by the polling group BVA showed that 62 percent of the French think the protests against gay marriage should stop since it鈥檚 already been adopted.

Mr. Sauvageon says the mood is incomparable to the late 1960s, when there was a thirst for discussion against a backdrop of the Vietnam war, the end of the Algerian war, and women鈥檚 and civil rights movements in the US. On a basic level, the students in 1968 were leftists; today they are mostly conservatives.

And globalization has also confounded the nature of protest. 鈥淲e can protest against those in power, but these powers are linked to those at a European level or global level. We don鈥檛 really know who is in charge,鈥 says Sauvageon.

Warning signs

Still, there are warning signs ahead for Hollande, say observers. 海角大神 Malard, a political journalist at TV channel France 3, says that 1968 is still in the minds of the French. 鈥淎ll the signals for Hollande are black,鈥 he says. 鈥淚 wouldn鈥檛 be surprised that if things don鈥檛 improve quickly enough, the French will get desperate and get into the streets.鈥

Jean-Paul Pianta, who works as a human resources adviser for international and private firms, says that students are less prone to mass protest today than before, and they are more concerned with finding jobs. But he sees France at a boiling point.

鈥淭here is a fire underneath and the match could be the students, because if they are tired of knocking on doors to get jobs, or they get lousy jobs, they will take to the streets,鈥 he says.

On Sunday, retired Col. Michel Berger says that he finds the marches today deeper and more important than those in 1968. "Then youths were fighting a system," he says. 鈥淭his is more profound, this is about preserving our civilization."

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