海角大神

Posters welcoming Pope Francis hang in shops and in the rear windows of Cuba鈥檚 ubiquitous antique cars on the eve of the first Latin American pontiff鈥檚 visit.

And expectations are high that during his four-day visit, which begins Saturday, Pope Francis will encourage the government to speed up the economic and social reforms introduced by President Raul Castro in recent years. Many also hope to see him call for an end to the US embargo.

鈥淧eople here want the pope to highlight that change is necessary. Because we need to change,鈥� says Carlos Cespedes, sitting behind a table of small, used electronics he鈥檚 selling in the front room of his home.

But the pope's visit 鈥� Francis is the third in a row to make the trip聽鈥� isn't just a high-profile moment in the church's long, ongoing campaign to effect change in Cuba. After decades of communist rule, the Catholic Church has gone from an institution non grata to one of the few independent organizations on the island. It has carved out a foothold in sectors long considered the domain of the state: from job training to the provision of food and social services.

In so doing, it has positioned itself to to gently press for improved human rights in a nation where citizens are still imprisoned for political reasons and thousands continue to take on the risky, 90-mile journey by raft and makeshift boats to Florida.

鈥淭he church is still seen as a religious institution鈥� on the island, says Michelle Gonzalez Maldonado, professor of religious studies at the University of Miami. 鈥淏ut, at the same time, its role in [international and national] dialogue and advocacy shows it鈥檚 clearly not just somewhere you go on Sunday. It鈥檚 trying to help shape the fabric of life in Cuba, or at least have a voice in it.鈥�

Finding a role in Cuba

Religion was all but banned in the years following the Cuban Revolution, with the regime declaring Cuba an atheist state. Castro was largely intolerant of those who didn鈥檛 support his regime, eradicating freedom of the press and jailing or killing thousands of dissidents. Today, Cuba still ranks at the bottom of lists and political freedoms.

But when the Soviet Union fell and Cuba lost its sole benefactor in 1989, a unique space opened up for the church, says William LeoGrande, an expert on Cuba at American University. The government began giving the church leeway in order to meet some of the needs the government could no longer serve. This has left a legacy of Catholic-run soup kitchens, homeless shelters, and other aid for the island鈥檚 poor. And while the church is not the only player in Cuba petitioning the government to improve human rights 鈥� others range from individuals like opposition blogger Yoani S谩nchez to groups like the Ladies in White 鈥� none have the resources available to the Catholic Church.

鈥淐hurches around the world were channeling assistance through the Catholic Church in Cuba,鈥� says Mr. LeoGrande, coauthor of the book 鈥淏ack Channel to Cuba: The Hidden History of Negotiations between Washington and Havana.鈥�

鈥淚t was able to provide social services to the poor when the government couldn鈥檛. And the government had to figure out how to come to terms with that.鈥�

Despite its unique position as 鈥渂y far the most important independent institution,鈥� LeoGrande says, the church isn鈥檛 necessarily pushing its luck when it comes to pressuring the government for change.

鈥淭he church鈥檚 path is one of being careful, intentional, and moving slowly,鈥� with promoting the need for political and social transformations in Cuba, says Ms. Gonzalez Maldonado.

Is it enough? Or too much?

Not all Cubans support the interactions between the church and the government.

鈥淪ome in the dissident community say any work engaging with the government legitimizes it,鈥� says LeoGrande. 鈥淏ut that鈥檚 the position the church took in the 1960s and it didn鈥檛 lead anywhere,鈥� he says, referring to a time when speaking out against the revolution meant religious schools were closed, Catholic publications were banned, and priests were exiled.

Others say the church isn鈥檛 doing enough.

A group of dissidents began a hunger strike on Wednesday in the lead-up to Pope Francis鈥檚 visit, calling the protest 鈥淗oly Father, we are Cuba, too鈥� and asking for a chance to meet with the pontiff and express their 鈥渙pposition of the totalitarian dictatorship of the Castro brothers鈥� and defend human rights.

鈥淚 would argue that the church has a responsibility to tell the truth and not be afraid,鈥� says Frank Calzon, Cuban-born executive director for the Center for a Free Cuba based in Washington. He says many Cubans on and off the island feel the church could be doing more 鈥� to press for worker鈥檚 rights, the recognition and release of remaining political prisoners, and an overhaul of Cuban society to better protect the poor.

鈥淭he way some of us look at this, [Cuban] Cardinal [Jaime Lucas Ortega] Ortega has basically spoken not on behalf of the Cuban people, but to advance the policies of the Castros,鈥� Mr. Calzon says, noting a controversial comment the archbishop of Havana made last summer, implying there were no political prisoners left in Cuba.

Still, the church's efforts on the ground are valuable, he adds. 鈥淲e have a problem with the church hierarchy in Cuba, but we don鈥檛 have a problem with the many courageous parish priests who do everything they can to help their people.鈥�

鈥� The Monitor鈥檚 correspondent in Santiago de Cuba requested not to be named.