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President Donald Trump may lose reelection, but if the nail-biter contest of 2020 has shown anything, it鈥檚 that 鈥淭rumpism鈥� is here to stay.听

As a political agenda divorced from the more controversial aspects of his personality and style, Trumpism is part Reagan Republicanism 鈥� lower taxes, less government regulation, cultural conservatism 鈥� plus a pivot toward a hard line on immigration and an 鈥淎merica First鈥� approach to foreign policy. It鈥檚 also infused with old-fashioned populism, in its appeal to Americans who feel forgotten by the powerful.

As long as President Trump himself remains in the public eye 鈥� which he is expected to do, win or lose 鈥� his outsize persona will ensure that his political brand dominates the Republican Party for the foreseeable future.听

But the preeminence of Trumpism within the GOP is not just about one man鈥檚 ability to garner attention and appeal to a significant portion of the electorate. It鈥檚 also about the deeper currents of thought that he has tapped into 鈥� and which long predated his fateful ride down the escalator at Trump Tower in June 2015.

鈥淔or the past 40 years, our political paradigm has shifted from 鈥榣eft versus right鈥� to 鈥榝ront versus back,鈥欌�� says Mo Elleithee, director of the Institute of Politics and Public Service at Georgetown University.听

鈥淚t鈥檚 about people who feel stuck at the back of the line versus those at the front who they feel are keeping them back,鈥� he says.听

In Mr. Trump鈥檚 terms, it鈥檚 about fighting the 鈥渟wamp鈥� 鈥� the Washington establishment, of both parties, that he says are in it for themselves, not hardworking Americans.

The Trump party

In recent memory, a series of 鈥渙utsider鈥� presidents has come to Washington 鈥� from Jimmy Carter and Ronald Reagan to Bill Clinton and Barack Obama, all of whom staked claims to addressing concerns of the 鈥渓ittle guy.鈥�

But nobody can match the sheer disruptiveness of Mr. Trump, both in style and policy. The president鈥檚 continuing popularity within the Republican base means that he still holds the party in his thrall, regardless of how GOP leaders feel.听

鈥淭he Trump wing of the Republican Party is the Republican Party, and it鈥檚 big enough now such that it would take a stunning blow to get those people to reassess,鈥� says veteran political analyst Stuart Rothenberg.听

When polls suggested that Mr. Trump might lose badly on Election Day, some vulnerable Republican senators from him 鈥� particularly on his handling of the pandemic. He also faced criticism for not clearly denouncing a white supremacist group during the first presidential debate.听

Now that Mr. Trump has overperformed expectations in the election results, and still has an outside shot at winning, party officials are circling the wagons. His grip on the party seems as tight as ever. And even if he loses, he will remain the party鈥檚 leader, at least through the midterms 鈥� and likely until there鈥檚 a clear GOP presidential front-runner for 2024.

It鈥檚 also possible Mr. Trump will run again for president himself. At the very least, he is expected to maintain a public presence 鈥� via Twitter, public appearances, possibly his own media venture 鈥撎齱hich would allow him to keep the embers of a potential political comeback burning bright.听

The 鈥渁utopsy鈥�

For experienced party hands, Mr. Trump is a wonder to behold. In early 2013, Henry Barbour, Republican National Committee member from Mississippi, co-wrote a on the future of the GOP. Dubbed the 鈥渁utopsy,鈥� it aimed to reimagine a more inclusive party, following presidential nominee Mitt Romney鈥檚 loss in 2012.听

Most memorably, the report embraced comprehensive immigration reform, in an effort to recast the party as more welcoming to minorities. At the time, Mr. Trump lashed out against that recommendation: 鈥淒oes the @RNC have a death wish?鈥� he 听

The rest is history. He launched his 2016 campaign by railing against unauthorized Mexican immigrants. 鈥淏uild the wall鈥� has been a Trump rallying cry ever since.听

鈥淐ertainly, the president鈥檚 tone on immigration is not consistent with what we wrote in the report,鈥� Mr. Barbour says in an interview. 鈥淚t is what it is.鈥�

But, he notes, the president did better Tuesday than he did four years ago with Latino voters as well as African Americans. And he points to a logic in Mr. Trump鈥檚 approach.听

鈥淭hat鈥檚 something we missed in the report,鈥� Mr. Barbour says. 鈥淗ow do we consistently win working-class voters of all backgrounds?鈥�

The Trump coalition

At heart, the future of Trumpism is very much tied to the legions of Americans he has brought into his orbit, including first-time voters 鈥� some of whom have sat out many elections but are now invested in Mr. Trump and his goals.

Mr. Trump has won many converts, such as Steven Mosley of Alexandria, Virginia, who works in higher education. Four years ago, he didn鈥檛 vote for Mr. Trump 鈥� but on Tuesday, he did.听

鈥淗e is the only Republican in my lifetime that actually said he was going to do something and did it,鈥� says Mr. Mosley, who points to judicial appointments, moving the U.S. Embassy in Israel to Jerusalem, and defunding Planned Parenthood.听

All political parties are coalitions, as is the Trump electorate 鈥� effectively the Republican Party, minus the 鈥淣ever Trumpers.鈥� Not all Trump voters like his brash style but many do, citing his willingness to fight hard and flout norms. 听

鈥淎 lot of his base, they love his behavior,鈥� says Dick Wadhams, a veteran GOP strategist in Colorado.听听

Others are willing to vote for Mr. Trump in spite of his style, citing his traditional Republican approach to taxes and regulation.

For now, GOP strategists say, Mr. Trump is the Republican Party. To some 鈥淣ever Trumpers鈥� 鈥� a slice of the Republican elite that cannot abide the president鈥檚 persona or values 鈥� a Trump loss in the presidential race would mean the end of his party control.

Trumpism is a 鈥渃ult,鈥� says Rick Tyler, a former top aide to Republican Sen. Ted Cruz of Texas. And if Mr. Trump loses the election, 鈥渢he cult goes away.鈥澨�

To University of Denver political scientist Seth Masket, Trumpism represents 鈥渁 loyalty to him rather than to any specific ideology. It鈥檚 an alternative to conservatism.鈥�

Departure from tradition

Indeed, perhaps Mr. Trump鈥檚 most significant departure from conservatism is his seeming lack of care about the debt and deficit, even before the pandemic.听

Other analysts see a certain logic in Trumpism.

鈥淭rumpism itself has a much more anti-globalist ideology than traditional Republicanism,鈥� says Brandice Canes-Wrone, a political scientist at Princeton University. 鈥淚t鈥檚 more generous in terms of social insurance; he鈥檚 not trying to significantly reform Social Security or Medicare, or even indicating any interest in doing that.鈥�

She notes that elements of Trumpism adhere to traditional Republican philosophy, including in its conservative judicial philosophy and its approach to taxes and regulation.听

鈥淭hose areas are consistent,鈥� Professor Canes-Wrone says. 鈥淏ut the anti-globalism and even the kind of strong preservation of Social Security and Medicare and the willingness to spend a lot during the pandemic, you could say anyone would do that. But with Trump, you don鈥檛 sense the kind of hesitation you might find with a more traditional Republican.鈥澨�

How Mr. Trump would handle a second term 鈥� a live possibility at time of writing 鈥� could go a long way to determining the future of the GOP. One important question: How would he behave, given that he would no longer need to campaign, at least for himself?听

鈥淗e could take a look at how his own behavior clouded the success of his administration over these past four years, and make the decision to be different,鈥� says Mr. Wadhams. 鈥淥r he could double down and be even more confrontational than he was the first term.鈥�

Staff writer Noah Robertson contributed to this report.