海角大神

At one point in the now-famous July 25 White House phone call between President Donald Trump and Ukraine鈥檚 Volodymyr Zelenskiy, the young Ukrainian president shares a bit of information that seemed sure to go over well with his interlocutor: When last in the United States, he lodged in one of Mr. Trump鈥檚 properties.

鈥淚 stayed in New York near Central Park, and I stayed at the Trump Tower,鈥� Mr. Zelenskiy says.

It鈥檚 a tidbit in a conversation, as detailed in a summary of the call released by the White House, that in other regards may determine the fortunes of an American president.

It鈥檚 Mr. Trump鈥檚 response to the Ukrainian leader鈥檚 request for additional arms to battle a menacing Russia 鈥� 鈥淚鈥檇 like to ask you a favor, though,鈥� he says, before pressing Mr. Zelenskiy to deliver dirt on potential 2020 political rival Joe Biden 鈥� that lies at the heart of House Democrats鈥� impeachment inquiry into the president.

But at the same time, Mr. Zelenskiy鈥檚 mention of his use of Trump properties underscores both the transactional nature of Mr. Trump鈥檚 personal brand of diplomacy 鈥� and how world leaders have learned the ropes of currying favor with the 鈥淎rt of the Deal鈥� U.S. leader.

It may also suggest how what analysts say is Mr. Trump鈥檚 tendency to see America鈥檚 relations with the world not just in transactional terms, but about him personally, has gotten his presidency in trouble.

鈥淎ll diplomacy in some respects is transactional, but Donald Trump is transactional in a way that is not so much about what鈥檚 good for American interests, it鈥檚 what鈥檚 good for Donald Trump personally and financially 鈥� and in the case of Ukraine, what鈥檚 good for Donald Trump鈥檚 personal political interests,鈥� says Bruce Jentleson, a professor of political science and international relations at Duke University鈥檚 Sanford School of Public Policy.

鈥淭he presidents I鈥檝e worked for didn鈥檛 like the term 鈥榯ransactionalism鈥� because it sounds too values-free,鈥� adds Professor Jentleson, who served in the State Department under presidents Bill Clinton and Barack Obama. 鈥淭hat鈥檚 what makes Donald Trump very different from any other president.鈥�

Trade-offs are nothing new

Pursuing a foreign policy that relegates notions of American values such as human rights and democratic governance to the rear while favoring interests such as national security, domestic prosperity, and big-power relations is nothing new. Think Richard Nixon to China 鈥� or even Mr. Trump overlooking Kim Jong Un鈥檚 extreme human rights violations against his own people in the interest of ridding the Korean Peninsula of nuclear weapons.

鈥淭ransactional diplomacy is practiced on the basis of 鈥業 don鈥檛 care about human rights abuses, I don鈥檛 want to muddy things up by insisting on American values, I just want the deal I want,鈥欌�� says Daniel Drezner, professor of international politics at Tufts University鈥檚 Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy in Medford, Massachusetts.

鈥淚 think our realpolitik friends would be comfortable with that,鈥� he adds.

For Professor Jentleson, it鈥檚 about the pragmatic but often necessary 鈥渢rade-offs鈥� that diplomats make to get things done.

鈥淟ook at Henry Kissinger with China; we agreed to reduce our relations with Taiwan in exchange for formal relations with the bigger and more important global power,鈥� he says.

More recently, President Obama traded sanctions relief for Iran鈥檚 entry into a nuclear deal that removed the imminent threat of an Iranian breakout as a nuclear-armed country. (Some would also point out that Mr. Obama 鈥� shamefully to some eyes 鈥� ignored grassroots anti-regime demonstrations in Iran in 2009 in the interest of reaching a nuclear deal.)

Attention to a Trump style of transactional diplomacy started during the 2016 campaign, when Mr. Trump the candidate spoke of striking better trade deals and getting more bucks for America鈥檚 defense alliances. And it intensified when President Trump named former Exxon CEO Rex Tillerson his first secretary of state.

鈥淲hat Trump wants in return鈥�

But for the Fletcher School鈥檚 Professor Drezner, none of that necessarily portended Mr. Trump鈥檚 particular brand of transactional diplomacy.

鈥淲hat鈥檚 different under Trump,鈥� says Mr. Drezner, 鈥渋s not that there鈥檚 an asking for something in return, but rather, as the Ukrainian president has learned, that what Trump wants in return has to do with Trump.鈥�

Another example of this surfaced last month when it was revealed that Mr. Trump used a recent phone call with Australian Prime Minister Scott Morrison to press for information that could assist Attorney General William Barr in his probe aimed at discrediting the Mueller investigation into Russia鈥檚 involvement in the 2016 elections.

Responding to reports of Mr. Trump鈥檚 efforts to enlist Australia鈥檚 assistance in Mr. Barr鈥檚 investigation, an Australian government spokesman confirmed both the phone call and Mr. Morrison鈥檚 鈥渞eadiness鈥� to 鈥渉elp shed further light on the matters under investigation.鈥�

Those comments resulted in a political firestorm in Australia 鈥� and by this week Mr. Morrison appeared to backtrack, saying that providing a foreign government with Australia鈥檚 diplomatic communications 鈥渨ould be a very unusual thing to do.鈥�

鈥淎ustralia would never do anything that would prejudice our national interest,鈥� Mr. Morrison said in a TV interview.

Impact on U.S. diplomats

One question now is how the revelations of Mr. Trump鈥檚 personal diplomatic efforts and his pressuring of foreign leaders to deliver for him personally could affect U.S. foreign policy.

For some, the biggest impact is likely to be on the career diplomats whose job it is to develop and implement policy 鈥� but who now see their efforts sidelined.

鈥淚f you鈥檙e an expert in a country or on a particular issue and you prepare briefs that time and again the president never reads, after a while you start wondering, 鈥榃hat value am I contributing?鈥欌�� says Lawrence Korb, a former assistant secretary of defense during the Reagan administration who is now a senior fellow in defense and national security policy at the Center for American Progress in Washington.

Seeing the president鈥檚 personal priorities crowd out efforts at policymaking based on professional assessments 鈥渄emoralizes the people who have spent their lives trying to do the right thing for our country,鈥� he says.

At the same time, other countries鈥� leaders are likely to operate with the U.S. on the assumption that the only guy who really matters is the president himself.

鈥淚f I鈥檓 country X or Y and I have important issues to take up with the United States, am I going to pay any attention to the [U.S.] ambassador or the chief of mission when I know the president makes up his own policy?鈥� Mr. Korb says.

Pragmatism, and caution

Of course pragmatic world leaders, from Germany鈥檚 Angela Merkel to Mexico鈥檚 Andr茅s Manuel L贸pez Obrador, are going to continue working with the U.S. of President Trump. Even as the impeachment inquiry consumes Washington and embroils the State Department of Secretary of State Mike Pompeo in domestic politics, countries still need relations with the world鈥檚 largest economy and greatest military power.

But those relations 鈥� and any White House phone calls that take place as part of those relations 鈥� are likely to be undertaken more carefully now, some foreign policy analysts say.

鈥淲hile it鈥檚 unrealistic to just not deal with Trump and his team, countries will be even more wary about his requests and more resistant to his pressures,鈥� says Duke University鈥檚 Professor Jentleson. At the same time, he says, world leaders are going to pursue pragmatic relations with the Trump administration, working under the assumption that Mr. Trump could certainly win his reelection bid next year.

He cites Australia as an example 鈥� noting that Prime Minister Morrison happily accepted a state dinner at the White House last month that highlighted the U.S.-Australia alliance, even as he ramped up military relations with China by welcoming a Chinese navy port call in Sydney.

鈥淲hat we see there is a leader trying to be responsive to the things Trump gets worked up over,鈥� he says, 鈥渆ven as he generally goes about pursuing his country鈥檚 interests.鈥�