Louisiana鈥檚 Republican Sen. Bill Cassidy kicked off the July 4 recess with a town hall in Baton Rouge that, at times, veered into confrontation over the GOP聽health-care聽bill that鈥檚 now stalled in the Senate.聽聽
The congenial senator, a physician, tried to dissipate chants and interruptions by reminding folks to be 鈥渃ivil.鈥� A constituent shot back: 鈥淚鈥檓 civil. I don鈥檛 think it鈥檚 civil to kill people,鈥� according to a report by The Hill newspaper.
There鈥檚 nothing quite as personal as聽health care聽to arouse the passions of voters. In the summer of 2009, angry tea party protesters swarmed town halls of Democrats working on聽health-care聽legislation. Now the tables are turned 鈥� to the point where some Republicans are simply not holding these meetings with the public, or finding a way to screen questions or restrict access.
Town halls are an American democratic tradition, a quintessential way for constituents to be heard by and to hear from their representatives. It鈥檚 possible to keep the passion, but turn down the heat so that these valuable face-to-face meetings can flourish.
Both lawmakers and constituents have legitimate concerns when hot-button issues like聽health care聽generate public pandemonium.聽
The shooting聽of Rep. Steve Scalise (R) of Louisiana and others at a GOP charity baseball practice last month shook up members of Congress, who voiced concern about security at public gatherings, including town halls.聽That鈥檚 in addition to being shouted down while trying to answer questions.
But many constituents, too, are frightened 鈥� genuinely worried about losing health coverage. They are organizing precisely because of their concerns, exercising their right to voice their views.聽
Meanwhile, those who might support their lawmaker or the GOP聽legislation feel聽as if聽they鈥檙e being squelched as organized opponents dominate town halls.
Both constituents and politicians need to adjust to make town halls more productive.聽
罢丑别听聽offered by the grass-roots group Indivisible, which is organizing against the GOP聽health-carelegislation, urges folks to 鈥渂e polite鈥� and 鈥渓ook friendly or neutral.鈥� Norms that govern conversation聽outside town halls聽ought to be just as valid inside them.聽
While some lawmakers are turning to telephone town halls or registering people, they need to consider the kinds of restrictions they use.聽
Town halls are actually not a common tool for senators, many of whom have vast distances to cover and have other ways of interacting with constituents. A telephone town hall may be a more effective way for them to reach large numbers of people 鈥� but that can also frustrate citizens, especially if it鈥檚 clear that questions are being screened.
Similarly, representatives might register people at in-person town halls in order to make sure that they are actual constituents. But blocking them by other criteria or simply limiting them invites a backlash.
鈥淚n the tradition of town halls, we should not control the numbers but use public spaces that will accommodate the level of interest and the level of passion,鈥� says Carolyn聽Lukensmeyer, executive director of the National Institute for Civil Discourse in Washington.聽
At times like these, that argues for school auditoriums over cramped function rooms.
Ms. Lukensmeyer suggests that town halls be moderated by respected community figures so that all voices are heard, including the lawmaker鈥檚.聽
And she puts forward this radical idea: Republicans and Democrats who serve on the same committee should do town halls in each other鈥檚 districts so that they get a different perspective on issues. Rep. Elijah Cummings (D) of Maryland and Rep. Jason Chaffetz (R) of Utah actually did that in 2014.聽
Town halls are central to American democracy. Let the voices be heard 鈥� all of them.
Clayton Collins
