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Israelis voice concern over worsening US ties. Why few offer solutions.

For decades, Israelis have relied on steadfast U.S. support for their own national security. But with polls now indicating that 6 in 10 Americans hold unfavorable views of Israel, many Israelis fear one of their country鈥檚 most important strategic assets is evaporating.

According to an April Pew Research Center poll, the shift is especially pronounced among young Americans. Experts say their views have been shaped by images of the Gaza war, social media messaging, racial injustice discourse, and acute unease with Israel鈥檚 far-right government.

鈥淭he trend is not just worrying; it is an existential concern,鈥� says Udi Sommer, professor of political science and head of the Barak Leadership Center at Tel Aviv University. 鈥淚f the demographic that will inherit the U.S. government views Israel through a lens of skepticism or hostility, the bipartisan consensus that has anchored Israeli security for 75 years will collapse.鈥�

In the eyes of a critical American voting bloc, Israel鈥檚 image has shifted from 鈥渁 pioneer democracy to an oppressor state,鈥� he says.

The erosion of bipartisan support for Israel 鈥� long considered a cornerstone of the special relationship between the two countries 鈥� now looms as a contentious issue in the upcoming U.S. elections.聽It also lies in marked contrast to the close ties between U.S. President Donald Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

Yet, while a recent poll finds 72% of Israelis are worried about the nation鈥檚 eroded standing in American public opinion, few are offering solutions to address it, even as Israel prepares for its own elections, likely in the fall.

Focus still on security

More than 2 1/2 years after 1,200 people were killed in Hamas鈥� Oct. 7, 2023, attack, which triggered the Gaza war and an ongoing multifront war, Israelis 鈥� and their government 鈥� remain focused on immediate security concerns.

Many blame the anti-Israel backlash less on Israel鈥檚 conduct in Gaza, where more than 70,000 Palestinians have been killed, than on what they see as the rise of pro-Palestinian narratives and antisemitism.

鈥淥ur past has always been about wars and hate,鈥� says Asher Amsalem, sitting in front of his hardware store on a busy central Tel Aviv street. 鈥淭his is how it is, apparently this is our fate.鈥�

Mr. Amsalem, a firm supporter of Mr. Netanyahu, says he is aware of the problem with U.S. public opinion, but that there is only so much that Israel can do. It is all 鈥渄ue to the media and what they say about us,鈥� he adds. 鈥淭hey portray us as bad. Thank goodness we have Trump on our side.鈥�

Others voice the hope that public opinion will shift again once the wars subside, experts say.

The Iran war, which is deeply unpopular in the United States, has compounded the crisis, and has been depicted as an escalation that Mr. Trump was dragged into by Mr. Netanyahu 鈥� stoking the ire of both Democrats and Republicans.

鈥淭here is some dissonance between the very massive support [for Israel] of the administration, and the collaboration in the Iran war on one level, and American public opinion on the other,鈥� says Prof. Tamar Hermann, a senior research fellow at the Israel Democracy Institute (IDI).

Israelis tend to focus on the unprecedented level of security coordination with Washington in the Iran war, says Jeremy Issacharoff, a retired Israeli diplomat and the Foreign Ministry鈥檚 former point person on Iran. Yet that 鈥渂lurs other aspects of the situation,鈥� he says.

Overreliance on Trump?

Israel鈥檚 heavy reliance on Mr. Trump, and Mr. Netanyahu鈥檚 abandonment of Israel鈥檚 hallowed bipartisan playbook starting over a decade ago, he argues, are putting Israel鈥檚 national security at risk.

鈥淚 don鈥檛 think any prime minister has had such a limited room to maneuver with an American president [than has] Netanyahu with respect to Trump,鈥� Mr. Issacharoff says, citing the timing of ceasefires with Iran last June and last month, and in Gaza in October. All were determined by Mr. Trump, he says.

Having extremists as government ministers is also taking its toll, he says, citing the unchecked settler violence against West Bank Palestinians: 鈥淭he damage to our image, to our values, is immense.鈥�

Only a relatively small segment of the public, mainly on Israel鈥檚 political left, sees the shift in U.S. public opinion as stemming from Israel鈥檚 policies in Gaza or toward Palestinians in the West Bank, says Professor Hermann at the IDI, whose poll found the broad public concerns.

Even so, neither the public nor politicians have galvanized around the issue, she adds.

The perception is that 鈥渙nce security is guaranteed, then we can deal with secondary issues like American public opinion,鈥� she says. Many Israelis also believe the anti-Israel tide will eventually turn, and they place only limited trust in polling data.

This is why, Professor Hermann says, despite being worried, most Israelis 鈥渁re not going to change their voting behaviors鈥� because of it.

Public versus leaders

Still, says Professor Sommer at Tel Aviv University, the IDI poll is a 鈥渟ignificant indicator,鈥� because it suggests that the Israeli public is more attuned to the crisis than their leadership.

鈥淚sraelis are deeply connected to the U.S., through family, tech business, and culture. They feel the shift in the vibe when they travel or engage online,鈥� he says. 鈥淗owever, Israeli politicians are, by nature, focused on the immediate. In a post-Oct. 7 world, the urgent 鈥� security, borders, hostages 鈥� almost always trumps the important 鈥� long-term public diplomacy.鈥�

Taxi driver Kobi Chibotero says he鈥檚 concerned about American public opinion, and he values the United States as 鈥渙ur best friend.鈥� But he blames poor public diplomacy, not Israel鈥檚 conduct, for the decline in support.

鈥淲e did what we had to do after Oct. 7,鈥� he says as he navigates through the Tel Aviv traffic.

Shlomi Salomon says he follows changing attitudes toward Israel closely because his son lives in New Jersey.

鈥淚nfluencers are changing the opinion of the younger generation ... and they are reacting to what they are being fed,鈥� he says, while answering reservation calls at his Italian restaurant in Tel Aviv.

He worries it may be too late to significantly change American perceptions. 鈥淚t has not been a priority for our politicians, and that has been a mistake.鈥�

鈥淪trategic plan鈥� needed

One political leader who has been noticeably outspoken has been Yair Lapid, head of the opposition Yesh Atid party. Shelly Tal Meron, a lawmaker in the party, says restoring Israel鈥檚 image will be a priority if the party forms a new government.

鈥淭o fix the problem, you need to recognize the problem, and you need to have a strategic plan on what we need to do about that,鈥� she says. Besides countering anti-Israel narratives, Israel needs a liberal government fostering 鈥減olicies that will rebuild the connections and recreate the trust that was lost around the world.鈥�

Business leaders, meanwhile, worry that deteriorating U.S. public opinion could impact Israel鈥檚 thriving technology sector, a central driver of its resilient economy.

Jon Medved, a Jerusalem-based venture capitalist, says to avoid becoming a 鈥減ariah state,鈥� Israel needs to use its strongest talent to 鈥渇ight the information war鈥� in smart, social-media-savvy ways that emphasize the 鈥渃ommon interests, the shared values, and broad shared history that it has with the people in the U.S.鈥�

In that vein, adds Professor Sommer, Israel must engage directly with younger Americans and listen to their concerns, and court younger Democrats and progressive circles through leadership and exchange programs.

鈥淚srael can win every battle on the ground, but if it loses the hearts and minds of the next generation of its greatest ally, it loses its most important strategic asset,鈥� he says. 鈥淎ddressing this trend is not a luxury; it is a necessity.鈥�