海角大神

Why Israel's Netanyahu can win without a party platform

Today's Israeli election has seen surprisingly little debate on key issues like security and peace. Prime Minister Netanyahu鈥檚 ticket never even bothered to publish a party platform.

In a country where people often joke that you can put two Jews in a room and end up with three opinions, the Israeli election has seen surprisingly little debate on key issues.

The millions of Palestinians living next door, who fired rockets on Tel Aviv and Jerusalem for the first time this fall and stepped up terror activity in the West Bank by 400 percent since the summer? Hardly a word. The 鈥渆xistential鈥� threat posed by Iran and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu鈥檚 vows to launch a unilateral strike if necessary 鈥撀燼 promise that stirred extraordinary controversy in Israel last year? The candidates were mysteriously quiet.聽

And even on socioeconomic issues, like the after Mr. Netanyahu took office, many candidates didn鈥檛 outline comprehensive plans. Netanyahu鈥檚 Likud-Beytenu ticket never even bothered to publish a party platform 鈥撀燼nd yet the bloc is poised to win the most Knesset seats in today鈥檚 election.

But this doesn鈥檛 mean that voters are apathetic. Instead, it is a reflection of how Israeli elections have become much more focused on personalities rather than ideology, observers say, with candidates and voters making abrupt changes in allegiance.

鈥淚n the early days of the country, everything was ideological,鈥� recalls Yehuda Ben-Meir, a former politician now at the Institute for National Security Studies in Tel Aviv, noting that up until 1992 only party names appeared on the ballot. 鈥淓lections have become very, very personal in Israel."

The inability to unite around key issues was particularly evident among center-left parties, who have been unable to mount a serious threat to Netanyahu and his right-wing allies. Instead, they splintered into three main factions, with former foreign minister Tzipi Livni starting her own Hatnua party in November and wooing Amir Peretz to join her in what many saw as a power play rather than a real union of interests.

鈥淭hey [center-left politicians] have broken into so many little groups that they鈥檙e going to give [Netanyahu] back the chair wrapped as a gift because they鈥檙e so moved by ego and not by ideology,鈥� said Tamar Asraf, spokeswoman for the West Bank settlement of Eli, several weeks after Hatnua was established.

Indeed, Netanyahu looks poised to secure a third term as prime minister, provided he can put together a government coalition that comprises a majority of the Knesset鈥檚 120 seats.

鈥楽trong Israel鈥�

Netanyahu鈥檚 face has been plastered all over bridges, buildings, and even gas stations with the slogan 鈥淪trong Prime Minister, Strong Israel.鈥�

No other party in the election even tried to challenge the prime minister鈥檚 self-proclaimed status as the only leader who could keep Israel safe from Iranian bombs and Palestinian terrorism.

鈥淣etanyahu was quite happy to have the election be as quiet as possible, [centering] around him as the strong leader with the implication being that Iran is the major reason why he鈥檚 the strong leader and dealing with Palestinians but not making either of the two issues big issues,鈥� says Leslie Susser, diplomatic editor for the Jerusalem Report.

Center-left leaders, who largely lack the diplomatic experience and security credentials of Netanyahu, chose to focus mainly on socioeconomic issues 鈥撀爌igeonholing themselves as lesser leaders who wouldn鈥檛 presume to become prime minister. That was particularly true in the case of Shelly Yacimovich, head of the Labor party, who scarcely mentioned Palestinians in her campaign despite Labor鈥檚 long tradition of championing the two-state solution.

鈥淪helly Yacimovich played the socio-economic card almost exclusively 鈥� without any pretense of having something to say about the bigger issue,鈥� says Mr. Susser. 鈥淚t says a lot about her vision of herself as a leader.鈥�

Yair Lapid, a former TV anchor, got some traction by advocating for a better life for the middle class but also steered clear of the Palestinian issue.

鈥淥nce Shelly Yacimovich and Lapid ignored it, it was very convenient for others to ignore it,鈥� says Alon Liel, a former diplomat. 聽

The exception was Ms. Livni, who together with Mr. Peretz 鈥撀燼 former defense minister 鈥撀燼rguably had the strongest diplomatic and security credentials apart from Netanyahu.

She warned that the prime minister was leading Israel in a dangerous direction, endangering strategic relations with the United States and isolating Israel internationally. But in recent weeks she and her Hatnua party have slipped in the polls.

One reason may be that the lack of suicide attacks in Israel in recent years 鈥� after the government built a wall along much of the border with the West Bank. This has caused a certain degree of 鈥渙ut of sight, out of mind鈥� vis-脿-vis the Palestinians.

鈥淚srael was able to 鈥� extend settlements, live in peace, but without symbolically seeing what鈥檚 happening to Palestinians on the other side of the wall,鈥� says Honaida Ghanim, an Israeli citizen and director of the Palestinian Forum for Israeli Studies in Ramallah, West Bank.

鈥業n one ear鈥�

But maybe the fact that there has been less focus on external threats and more on things like the cost of food and rent is a good thing, says a voter in Jerusalem who gave her name only as Judy because she鈥檚 a journalist.

鈥淯sually it's been about the peace process,鈥� she says, as she heads to the polls to cast a vote for Netanyahu. 鈥淢aybe it shows Israel's becoming a more normal country."

Etka Liebowitz, who has lived in Israel for 30 years, would like to see even more focus on domestic issues.聽

"To me, issues like healthcare, education, freedom from religious coercion are the most important,鈥� Ms. Liebowitz says. 鈥淚f the country is strong internally we will be strong on security."聽

* Chelsea B. Sheasley contributed reporting.