Yemenis suspect Iran's hand in rise of Shiite rebels
The growing influence of Yemen's Houthis, a group of Shiite rebels, has disrupted the long amicable Sunni-Shiite relationship here, with Sunnis suspecting Iranian interference.
Boys run past a sign painted on a wall with the main motto of the Shiite rebel al-Houthi group, in Old Sanaa, Yemen, September 30.
Khaled Abdullah/Reuters/File
Rayda, Yemen
While the graffiti on the walls of聽Rayda鈥檚 bullet-scarred Awadin Mosque聽condemns the United States and Israel, the clashes that briefly transformed this agrarian town into a war zone were fought between local foes.听
The fighting in Rayda was just the latest flare-up in a series of violent clashes in Amran and neighboring provinces that have pitted backers of the Houthi movement against their largely Sunni Islamist foes. And while its roots seem to be local political maneuvering, many here see the tensions as a result of Iranian interference in northern Yemen.听
Yemen鈥檚 far north has long been wracked by fighting between Houthi rebels and various foes. From 2004 to 2010, the Houthis were the target of a series of offensives launched by the Yemeni government and their tribal fighter allies, who saw the Houthis as an Iranian-backed group intent on destabilizing the country.
When the government's control over much of Yemen weakened during last year鈥檚 uprising against Ali Abdullah Saleh, the Houthis were able to effectively gain control over the northern province of Saada and areas of neighboring provinces.听Even in the capital, Sanaa, the Houthis have emerged defiantly. Graffiti bearing the group鈥檚 vitriolic slogan, 鈥淕od is Great, Death to America, Death to Israel, Damn the Jews, Victory to Islam,鈥 is a frequent sight on the capital鈥檚 streets.听
Representatives and supporters of the Houthis characterize the group鈥檚 growth as a natural result of their widespread support, saying the group has gained the trust of Yemenis due to its commitment to clean governance and its uncompromising opposition to the current government鈥檚 alliance with the United States鈥 government.
But many Yemenis insist that the Houthis鈥 gains can be attributed to outside players, characterizing them as a pawn of Iran, citing longstanding accusations that they are receiving funding and possibly arms from the Islamic Republic.
鈥淵ou can see Iran鈥檚 hands in the growth of the Houthis,鈥 says one Yemeni politician, speaking on the condition of anonymity due to the sensitivity of the topic. 鈥淚t鈥檚 a threat to Yemen, it鈥檚 a threat to Saudi Arabia and it鈥檚 a threat to American interests.鈥澛
Squaring off with the Saudis
The Houthis' strident anti-American rhetoric has raised the concerns of Western diplomats, while the group鈥檚 power base on the border with Saudi Arabia 鈥 and staunch opposition to its Sunni Wahabbi ideology 鈥 have prompted accusations that they represent a direct threat to the oil-rich kingdom.听
The Houthis have battled Saudi troops in the past. In 2009, fighting briefly spread to southern areas of the Saudi border province of Jizan, and regardless of whether the group is receiving arms from abroad, many stress that the scrappy but skilled tribal guerrillas remain a force to be reckoned with.听But the Houthis and their allies deny that they鈥檙e receiving funding, insisting they want to maintain the current calm, which has brought a period of relative prosperity to the territory.听
鈥淲e鈥檝e gone to Saudi Arabia and told them we want to make peace,鈥 said de facto Saada governor Faris Manaa, a former ruling party member and reputed arms dealer聽who was appointed by a Houthi-dominated council after his聽Saleh-allied聽predecessor fled the province last March. 鈥淥ur hand is open to them, but even after a year and a half, they still haven鈥檛 replied.鈥澛
Sectarianism rears its head
While its roots appear to be political, the tension has been accompanied with a sharp upsurge in sectarian sentiment.
The Houthis draw from the Zaydi Shiite branch of Islam that is found almost exclusively in northern Yemen.听Tensions between Yemeni Sunnis and Zaydi Shiites were traditionally minimal; they have many similarities when it comes to doctrine and jurisprudence, much more so than the predominant Twelver branch followed by Shiites in places like Iran and Iraq.
But some here have painted the uptick in tensions in starkly sectarian terms, characterizing them as part of a regional battle between Sunnis and Shiites聽that has effectively transformed Yemen into a battlefield in a proxy war between Iran and Saudi Arabia.听
鈥淭he Houthis are part of a single movement,鈥 says聽Hussein al-Malahi, the field commander of an anti-Houthi militia formed by Sunni tribal leaders in the Amran province, which lies between Saada and Sanaa.听鈥淭heir ultimate goal is nothing less than the transfer of the Kaaba from Mecca to Karbala,"聽referring to the Kaaba, the most sacred site in Islam, and the Shiite holy city of Karbala in Iraq.
Regardless of the intensifying rhetoric and issues of foreign support, many observers argue that the Houthis represent an indisputably important segment of the Yemeni polity. As聽Yemen鈥檚 post-Saleh government aims to bring the country towards stability, they say, the Houthis鈥 incorporation into the process will be key;聽due to their significant base of support and power positions, they cannot be ignored.听
鈥淢ost Houthis are genuinely motivated, even if they get support from outside,鈥 says Abdulghani al-Iryani, a Yemeni political analyst. 鈥淭here鈥檚 no way there can be a political settlement in Yemen without the Houthis; we cannot move forward in Yemen unless the Houthis are taken into account.鈥