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At G7 summit, Trump seems willing to back Ukraine. Europe isn鈥檛 banking on it.

The tone coming out of the Group of Seven summit 鈥� from media reports and leaders alike 鈥� was nothing short of giddy: President Donald Trump was playing ball.

All through the three days of meetings, he had not walked out, or lectured his colleagues, or thrown a wrench into plans for a unified front 鈥� all of which he had done in the past. On the biggest issue, support for Ukraine, he not only agreed, but also suggested perhaps renewing American sanctions on Russia. He even backed a joint communiqu茅 on the topic 鈥� a key diplomatic symbol of shared purpose.

In the past, hopeful exuberance might have followed. Again and again, Europe has asked itself: Could this be the moment that the United States renews its decades-old friendship with Europe?

But even in the glow of this unforeseen success, European leaders and experts are not asking that question anymore. Discussions among seven leading industrialized nations about Ukraine, Iran, and artificial intelligence all seemed productive and cordial. But everyone east of the Atlantic from chancellors to citizens now knows Mr. Trump could change his mind next week, if not on the plane back to Washington.

And that, analysts say, is the true takeaway from the past three days in 脡vian-les-Bains, France. Europe is unlikely to restore its historic relationship with the U.S. under Mr. Trump. But it is no longer trying to. Instead, it is learning to do the best it can while preparing for the inevitable tempests to come. This year鈥檚 G7, however, was evidence that there can still be sunny days, too.

Recently, these kinds of summits 鈥渉ave been about trying to avoid a bad outcome,鈥� says Rachel Tausendfreund, a senior research fellow at the German Council on Foreign Relations in Berlin. 鈥淭hese days, everything that strengthens international cooperation is a really positive signal.鈥�

G7 victories

The Iran peace deal set a positive tone. With the war seemingly settled聽鈥� U.S. officials only released a draft of the deal Wednesday afternoon 鈥� G7 leaders could pledge help to the postwar effort, most notably a French-British promise to help reopen and patrol the Strait of Hormuz.

But it was Mr. Trump鈥檚 willingness to back Ukraine that stood out. 鈥淭his is the 鈥媐irst 鈥宼ime since President Trump took office that we 鈥宧ave issued a joint 鈥宒eclaration 鈥媋t a G7 summit and found common language on the major 鈥媐oreign and security policy issues of our time,鈥� said German Chancellor Friedrich Merz at the summit. 鈥淚 鈥媍onsider that 鈥媋 real success.鈥�

Yet European leaders are not suggesting a page has been turned. That was the goal last year, when the European Union negotiated a somewhat humiliating trade deal with the U.S., all in the hopes that accommodating the U.S. would reset the relationship and win goodwill. It didn鈥檛.

With Mr. Trump, 鈥渋t doesn鈥檛 work like that,鈥� says Tara Varma, managing director of the Paris office of the German Marshall Fund of the United States.

Europe has realized that no deal with the Trump administration lasts forever, she says. That requires a new flexibility. 鈥淎nything we negotiate is really temporary. All of these things need to be negotiated all the time. Trump will need to be convinced of this over and over.鈥�

In that context, Wednesday was a good day. But the case will need to be made again at next month鈥檚 NATO summit, and there is no expectation of how that might turn out.

Europe鈥檚 shift in strategy

Until this year, 鈥渢he vast majority of European states had an 鈥榓ppease, delay, distract鈥� strategy鈥� when it came to Mr. Trump, says Jeremy Shapiro, director of the U.S. program at the European Council on Foreign Relations. The idea was: Throw Mr. Trump a parade or praise him and hope for the best.

But Mr. Trump鈥檚 repeated threats to invade Greenland, a part of the Danish kingdom, showed that didn鈥檛 work. Now, European leaders are more willing to stand up to Mr. Trump 鈥� refusing to back the Iran war, for example. In addition, they are working behind the scenes to bolster European independence from the U.S. Largely ignored amid the G7 festivities, Germany and Poland signed a mutual defense agreement Wednesday.

鈥淎ll of the charming was sending the wrong signal,鈥� says Ms. Tausendfreund. 鈥淪ince Greenland, there鈥檚 been a shift in mindset to more of a mixed strategy. It means there might be a bit of flattery, but at the same time leaders decided they needed to push back at certain times.鈥�

A little flattery can still help, it seems. French President Emmanuel Macron, the summit鈥檚 host, invited Mr. Trump to Versailles at the end of the proceedings on Wednesday for a dinner to celebrate America鈥檚 250th anniversary. Mr. Trump clearly appreciated the gesture 鈥� and the spectacle of Versailles鈥� golden halls. 鈥淚鈥檓 a fan of beautiful places, and I was actually planning to leave in the afternoon, but then the French president invited me,鈥� he said. 鈥淎nd Versailles isn鈥檛 gold leaf, Versailles is the real deal.鈥�

At one notable point during the summit, he called Mr. Macron 鈥渁 good man.鈥�

But Europe now has a plan B, as well. The challenge will be executing it. Britain, France, and Germany had sought to form a new European leadership group on Ukraine, but their efforts collapsed when Poland felt sidelined.

This is the problem the U.S. always solved in the past. It had the clout to get Europe鈥檚 fractious leaders to fall in line. 鈥淭raditionally, the U.S. has shown up with a plan and said, 鈥楾his is what we鈥檙e going to do. Get on board or get out of the way,鈥欌�� says Mr. Shapiro.

The fact that Europe, again, had to turn to Mr. Trump for support on Ukraine is a sign that the continent has more work to do to get itself in order, Mr. Shapiro adds. Now, 鈥渢hey know what to do, but they don鈥檛 know how to agree on it.鈥�