The small-town mayor who could oust Hungary鈥檚 Viktor Orb谩n
Pe虂ter Ma虂rki-Zay interacts with supporters after delivering a speech in Budapest, Hungary, on Oct. 23. The independent, small-town mayor is running for the post of prime minister in next year's elections in Hungary.
Dominique Soguel
Budapest, Hungary
When聽Gica Winsent聽realized that the man thought to have the best shot at ousting nationalist Hungarian Prime Minister聽Viktor Orb谩n was addressing crowds near her home in the Hungarian capital, she hopped on her red bike and pedaled furiously to get there.
鈥淚 just wanted to see him in action,鈥 she says, watching as P茅ter M谩rki-Zay stops to shake hands and take selfies with supporters. He 鈥渟eems to be telling the truth,鈥 she adds. 鈥淣ot just blah blah blah. And he is a calm person.鈥
Mr. M谩rki-Zay, a conservative, independent, small-town mayor, is the freshly chosen candidate to lead a disparate group of six opposition political parties in the campaign for elections expected in April. Speaking on the anniversary of the 1956 Hungarian uprising as sunset draped the monuments of Heroes鈥 Square in gold, Mr. M谩rki-Zay acknowledged the magnitude of the challenge ahead.
Why We Wrote This
Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orb谩n prides himself on leading an 鈥渋lliberal democracy.鈥 Now he faces an unlikely challenger at elections next year: a deeply religious, small-town mayor who might just win.
He stressed the importance of unity. It was that quality, he recalled, that gave Hungarians the strength to challenge Soviet rule 65 years ago. 鈥淭his is how we are going to win: We are going to unite for a free Hungary,鈥 he said. 鈥淟et鈥檚 not look at who is standing next to us. Let鈥檚 look at who we must stand against. It鈥檚 going to be a gigantic fight.鈥
That strategy, analysts say, was forged by necessity because the ruling right-wing Fidesz party has used its two-thirds majority in parliament to change the constitution and electoral law in its favor. It won鈥檛 be easy for the opposition to take down Europe鈥檚 standard-bearer of illiberal democracy, but analysts believe it鈥檚 more possible now than at any time in the past decade.聽
Opinion surveys put the ruling Fidesz party and the opposition coalition neck and neck,聽polling at 37% each, according to the firm Median.
A rift in social values
A message of unity was the strategy that helped Mr. M谩rki-Zay break into politics in 2018. That鈥檚聽when he became the mayor of rural H贸dmez艖v谩s谩rhely, a Fidesz stronghold. It was also the opposition鈥檚 message in 2019 municipal elections that delivered them surprise victories in Budapest and other key cities.
But the opposition coalition will have to continue to rally around Mr.聽M谩rki-Zay, who won an unprecedented joint primary this month, despite conservative social values that many opposition voters disdain.聽
鈥淚t鈥檚 very tricky because he is a conservative guy,鈥 says R贸bert L谩szl贸, an election specialist at think tank Political Capital. 鈥淭en years ago, he voted for Fidesz. He lives in the countryside and is the very proud father of seven children. He couldn鈥檛 be further from the political taste of downtown liberals and intelligentsia. However, he doesn鈥檛 say that everybody should think the way he does, so in this sense, he can be regarded a liberal.鈥
Mr. M谩rki-Zay says he is open to all viewpoints but that the most important question for Hungary is returning to democratic norms. 鈥淭he question is do we want to belong to the Western European, 海角大神ity-based culture?鈥 he says in an interview with 海角大神. 鈥淒o we want to stay in the European Union? Do we want to be a loyal member of NATO? Or do we want to be a rogue state doing business against the nation鈥檚 interest with communist China and [Russian President Vladimir] Putin and the Islamists.鈥
Tackling corruption, he says, sits at the top of his agenda. 鈥淲hat we see is that corruption is so strong in Hungary that it overrides all other national interests.鈥
And that message resonates among voters, especially since it comes from an independent. 鈥淭here is a big demand 鈥 within opposition voters that finally there should be consequences, at least political consequences 鈥 for corruption,鈥 says Mr. L谩szl贸. 鈥淭his is the most relevant promise he makes.鈥
鈥淢ost of the Hungarian opposition voters are left-wing and liberal voters,鈥 says聽Andrew B铆r贸 Nagy, director of Policy Solutions, a research institute. But many concluded that the best candidate to take on what he calls a radical-right-wing regime is someone who is culturally close to Orb谩n but unstained by corruption.
A rival 鈥減eace march鈥
On the Oct. 23 uprising anniversary, Mr. Orb谩n too called a rally, using the opportunity to thunder against his enemies in the West, accusing the United States and the European Union of meddling in Hungarian politics. Tens of thousands of Hungarians gathered to hear him warn that 鈥渢he left wing, however they disguise themselves, are still the same left wing,鈥 quoting a passage on false prophets from the Gospel of Matthew.
His supporters marched along the banks of the Danube and crossed Liberty Bridge, many carrying signs bearing the names of their rural towns, or equating European Union membership with living under a dictatorship.
鈥淥ur biggest fear is that all the [international] media and all the EU leaders are against our 海角大神 government,鈥 says Judit Lamboy, a Budapest native who joined Mr. Orb谩n鈥檚 march. 鈥淭hey say this government is totalitarian. That is not true. This is an elected government and hopefully it will be elected again.鈥
Mr. M谩rki-Zay says the next six months will be nothing but hard work. His heroes include Winston Churchill as well as nonviolence crusaders Mahatma Gandhi and Nelson Mandela. He admires both former American presidents Ronald Reagan and Barack Obama, but also holds up Lyndon B. Johnson for his Great Society program, which focused on eradicating poverty and racial injustice.
His willingness to dole out criticism of both the government and opposition has earned him the label 鈥渁nti-establishment.鈥 Analysts say聽he may have more in common with a 1980s or early 1990s Republican.
The six parties are drafting a joint manifesto that also reflects the priorities of left-wing, liberal, and green parties, says Mr. B铆r贸 Nagy. 鈥淎nother hope of the opposition is that this conservative, small-town mayor is willing to make compromise in terms of policy,鈥 says the analyst. The聽current draft suggests a focus on social justice, democracy, and a reorientation of foreign policy in favor of the EU and U.S.
The time he spent living in the U.S. and Canada, Mr. M谩rki-Zay says, shaped his views on how to manage migration, among other issues. He sees the border fence erected under Mr. Orb谩n as a 鈥渓egitimate tool of migration control鈥 but says migrants should not be the object of hate campaigns that undermine their integration into society. 鈥淚t is not about the number of migrants,鈥 he says. 鈥淚t is about screening and selecting them.鈥澛
He may not be a fan of gay marriage or abortion but considers them a private matter and says he wouldn鈥檛 legislate against them.
His supporters say they find his messages of love and unity a refreshing contrast to the anti-immigrant and anti-LGBTQ 鈥渉ate campaigns鈥 of Mr. Orb谩n. They also feel confident that, since he is聽a devout Roman Catholic with a large family, it will be tough for Fidesz to best him on 鈥渧alues.鈥
鈥淗e is everything Fidesz represents,鈥 says R茅ka Nagy, a supporter of the former far-right Jobbik party, who came to Mr. M谩rki-Zay鈥檚 meeting with a baby and toddler in tow. 鈥淎s long as he doesn鈥檛 get into a fight with the [left-wing] opposition then he can succeed.
鈥淲e don鈥檛 care who wins against Orb谩n,鈥 she adds. 鈥淭he point is that finally somebody does.鈥
Dorottya Czuk contributed reporting to this article.