海角大神

When the right wing is still 'too socialist': Poland's far-right unites

Young men listen to far-right political leaders at an electoral convention of the Konfederacja coalition in the port city of Gda艅sk, Poland.

Dominique Soguel

October 9, 2019

When Poland goes to the polls this weekend in parliamentary elections, it is the ruling Law and Justice party that challengers will be gunning for. Over the past four years, Law and Justice (PiS) has moved the country rightward by pushing a populist, anti-immigrant, pro-Catholic agenda.

But as far as Poland鈥檚 far-right nationalist parties are concerned,聽PiS hasn鈥檛 gone far enough. And so they have formed聽a coalition 鈥揔onfederacja 鈥 in the hope of turning their popularity among young voters into parliamentary seats on Oct. 13 鈥 and thus to become聽the first party to challenge PiS from the right.

鈥淲e are mostly nationalists, we remember the etnos [people with a common origin] in our ideas,鈥 says Micha艂 Urbaniak, as he sits in a kebab restaurant in the port city of Gda艅sk. Mr. Urbaniak is a regional head of the National Movement party, which is part of Konfederacja. 鈥淲e decided to be together and to be elected together because it is easier to take at least 5% of voters needed to be in the parliament.鈥

Why We Wrote This

The dominance of a non-center party changes the scope of what鈥檚 appropriate to say. In Poland, the ascent of right-wing Law and Justice is giving space on the country鈥檚 political stage to the far-right.

The leadership of Konfederacja view themselves as true conservatives and saviors of the Catholic Polish nation. They espouse traditional family values, oppose abortion, and reject migration, especially from the Muslim world. And they worry Germany will turn the European Union into a suprastate adhering to the values of liberal elites. While there are some differences of opinions on taxation, social benefits, and the role of women in society, members of the coalition broadly fit the bill of Euroskeptic 海角大神 nationalists.

Critics, however, label them neo-Nazis and fascists. Leading figures in the coalition make remarks and adopt positions many consider sexist, homophobic, xenophobic, and anti-Semitic. And observers say their increasing prominence is a result of normalization of hate speech by PiS.

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鈥淭hings that would not be heard on television a few years ago are now part of the mainstream,鈥 says Jacek Dzi臋gielewski, a Gda艅sk-based researcher with the anti-racism Never Again Association, pointing to an uptick in hate crimes since PiS came to power in 2015. 鈥淭hey are just pushing those boundaries.鈥

Patriotism, Catholic values, and low taxes

That same day at聽Konfederacja鈥檚 electoral convention at a hotel in Gda艅sk, a procession of men sporting polished shoes and pristine suits took to the podium to vie to be the main face of the new coalition. Their speeches were peppered with praise for the Roman Catholic Church and scathing criticism toward Poland鈥檚 ruling party 鈥 particularly its generous social spending. Anti-migrant and anti-LGBTQ views were par for the course.

There is still a range of opinion within Konfederacja, says far-right libertarian politician Janusz Korwin-Mikke, who served in the European Parliament from 2014 to 2018. He claims it is not unlike the U.S. Republican Party, bringing together a mix of conservatives, neo-conservatives, paleoconservatives, and libertarians. 鈥淓veryone hates everyone but they form a party鈥 brought together by an even greater hatred of socialism, he says. 鈥淚t is much better for a country to be ruled by a monkey than by socialists.鈥

Robert Winnicki, leader of the far-right National Movement, says the European Union "wants to build a world without the family, without God, and without nations. We don't want such a world."
Dominique Soguel

Robert Winnicki, the 34-year-old leader of the National Movement, has no more love for PiS. 鈥淭oday, the current government is more dependent on the United States than the previous one was on Berlin. But not only that, it also falls on the face in front of Tel Aviv and it is a real threat to Polish interests, Polish property, and our money!鈥

Mr. Winnicki acknowledges the presence of neo-Nazi elements in some Polish nationalist events like the annual celebrations of Poland鈥檚 Independence Day marches, but distances himself from their ideology. He says that what separates Polish nationalist groups from both neo-Nazis and the EU is belief in God.

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鈥淲hy did [mass executions] happen in the Soviet Union? Why did it happen in Nazi Germany?鈥 he asks. 鈥淭hose were the systems that threw out God and threw out 海角大神 values. Because if the national values go with 海角大神ity, nobody will murder a group because you have different skin color, because you are a different nation. ... That鈥檚 the line.鈥

As Konfederacja leaders presented their views in Gda艅sk, dozens of young men fresh out of school and at the start of their careers listened. Their politics didn鈥檛 always align with those being advocated by the speakers. While many expressed antipathy for the LGBTQ movement, others disavowed conservative views on the roles of men and women. Patriotism, Catholic values, and the coalition鈥檚 promises of low taxes were the primary reasons given for their support.

鈥淵oung men will not think about their families as long as the taxes are high,鈥 says first-time voter Mateusz Michalski, who opposes gender quotas in the workplace but has no problem with the gay community. 鈥淭his is what young people care about 鈥 about their work after they graduate and about family.鈥

鈥淵oung people are our base,鈥 says Mr. Winnicki, whose assistants have been drawn from the All-Polish Youth movement and Pride and Modernity, a now outlawed far-right group that was embroiled in the mock celebration of Hitler鈥檚 birthday. 鈥淭hey are our foundations. But not everyone who likes something on the internet goes to the elections, that is our problem.鈥

The All-Polish Youth movement 鈥 which has about 1,000 members spread across Poland 鈥 is part of the effort to get the vote out for Konfederacja among younger voters. At one of their branches in Warsaw, campaign posters filled several boxes. Spokesman Mateusz Marzoch says the group is trying to 鈥減rofessionalize鈥 its work.

Direct recruitment efforts focus on high schools and universities at the start of the academic year, as well as young men attending patriotic events and marches. Social media is also central to the recruitment drive 鈥 although their radical views have gotten them kicked off Facebook twice.

Mr. Marzoch credits the group鈥檚 uninterrupted presence on Facebook since 2017 to the appointment of Adam Andruszkiewicz, a former All-Polish Youth leader, as digital deputy affairs minister, and a stronger defense of 鈥渇reedom of expression鈥 by the government. The group now claims an informal support base of 5,000 people who can be counted on to show up at 鈥渉appenings鈥 it organizes.

鈥淭he more extreme a group is,鈥 warns Mr. Dzi臋gielewski, the anti-racism researcher, 鈥渢he more they try to camouflage.鈥

A creeping threat?

The new prominence of the Polish far-right has worried many that their language and agenda is becoming normalized, at least in part due to PiS鈥檚 own rhetoric.

Calls for a mono-ethnic Poland, for example, have replaced outright racists slurs. Equating adherence to the Muslim faith with a risk of terrorist behavior is another hallmark of the Polish far-right world view. Language such as the 鈥淗olocaust Corporation鈥 鈥 the notion that the contemporary Jewish community tries to profit from the 20th-century mass killings 鈥 betrays anti-Semitic sentiment in the ranks of PiS, Konfederacja, and the All-Polish Youth.

In January, Gda艅sk Mayor Pawe艂 Adamowicz, a defender of migrants and the LGBTQ community, was murdered. While the attacker鈥檚 motives appeared to be personal rather than ideological, many saw the killing of Mr. Adamowicz as a byproduct of hate speech. Notably, the All-Polish Youth movement had issued a fake 鈥減olitical death certificate鈥 for the pro-European politician, listing the 鈥渃ause of death鈥 as 鈥渓iberalism, multiculturalism, and stupidity.鈥

The Polish far-right is also viewed with alarm by international organizations. The United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination in August many of its existing far-right groups and parties as its constitution requires. And an October 2018 European Parliament resolution on the rise of neo-fascist violence noted a demonstration by the Polish National Radical Camp movement in the southern city of Katowice, where they strung pictures of six members of European Parliament from makeshift gallows. It also objected to the use of fascist symbols and xenophobic banners at demonstrations.

鈥淭he far-right is becoming more popular,鈥 says Mr. Dzi臋gielewski. 鈥淲e don鈥檛 see swastikas but we see the Celtic cross. They try to show themselves as patriots and they are becoming more bold.鈥