海角大神

Manila unrest signals new attention to an old problem: Political dynasties

The collapse of one of the most formidable political alliances in modern Philippine history has brought new scrutiny to the country鈥檚 deeply entrenched dynasties.

President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. and Vice President Sara Duterte聽鈥� scions of two of the most powerful and controversial families in the Philippines 鈥� joined forces in 2022, clinching a landslide election victory and consolidating their influence across the archipelago. But the partnership began to fray amid growing policy disagreements and competing political ambitions ahead of the 2028 presidential race.

Tensions culminated this month when Ms. Duterte 鈥� whose father, former President Rodrigo Duterte, is under investigation by the International Criminal Court for his deadly drug war 鈥� was impeached on charges of corruption and threatening the life of her former ally.

Analysts say the family is now in survival mode. But for the Filipino public, it鈥檚 just another twist in a long-running plot. Even if this turmoil topples the vice president, there will likely be another Duterte to fill the void 鈥� or a Marcos, or any rising star from another one of the dozen or so uber-powerful political families that dominate local and national politics here in the Philippines.

Indeed, the Philippines is widely considered the world鈥檚 most dynastic democracy, with the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ) reporting that political dynasties controlled 87% of provinces, 83% of legislative districts, and 75% of cities in 2025. Congress has failed to tackle the issue, which has eroded democratic norms and institutions.

Now, Filipinos are now taking matters into their own hands.

Earlier this month, several Catholic and civil society groups launched a campaign to bypass Congress and enact an anti-dynasty law through a rarely used democratic mechanism known as a people鈥檚 initiative. The movement, called Dapat Isa Lang (鈥淭here Should Only Be One鈥�), must gather roughly 7 million signatures by October to advance its proposed legislation, which would limit a family鈥檚 ability to hold multiple offices simultaneously or rotate positions among relatives.

The Rev. Robert Reyes, a Catholic priest and one of the campaign鈥檚 conveners, says elections in the Philippines 鈥渁re no longer about choosing qualified candidates,鈥� but rather, 鈥渁 regular distribution of favors every three years to people who depend on dynasties.鈥�

鈥淥ur country will not develop or move forward as long as this culture and system of governance remain unchanged,鈥� he says. 鈥淭his is not just about Marcos versus Duterte. This is about all dynasties whose only concern is self-preservation and survival.鈥�

How dynasties erode democracy

The Philippine Constitution, ratified in 1987 following the fall of Ferdinand Marcos Sr.鈥檚 dictatorship, explicitly orders the state to prohibit political dynasties. But Congress has never passed legislation to enforce that.

鈥淢ost [members of Congress] come from political families,鈥� says Carlos Conde, an independent human rights researcher and editor of Rights Report Philippines. 鈥淵ou could not find a more perfect case study showing why political dynasties in the Philippines are so problematic.鈥�

This problem is not unique to the Philippines. Across South Asia, powerful families dominate political systems where democratic institutions are weak, patronage networks are deeply entrenched, and family names often serve as the most durable political brands.

The Shinawatra family has remained central to Thai politics despite clashes with the country鈥檚 military establishment. Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto married into the family of longtime authoritarian ruler Suharto. From Pakistan to Bangladesh, certain names 鈥� the Sharifs, Nehru-Gandhis, Sheikh-Wazeds 鈥� have loomed large for decades.

These families tend to concentrate authority within a narrow elite circle, and that鈥檚 certainly true in the Philippines. According to a PCIJ analysis, at least 18 鈥渙bese鈥� political dynasties, or clans with five or more members in office, were elected last year.

Leo Angelo Pascua, a political and electoral campaign strategist in the Bicol region, says that part of the reason political dynasties flourish in the Philippines is that national parties remain weak and transactional. High-level alliances, including the Marcos-Duterte partnership, are rarely built on shared values, but rather on resources and patronage, and politicians frequently switch parties depending on who鈥檚 in power. This also leads to an abundance of smaller, provincial parties.

鈥淪trategists like me advised [governors] to insulate themselves from unstable national parties,鈥� he says. 鈥淭he thinking is: Let鈥檚 unite locally, build our own party, and then negotiate with whoever on the national level can give us the most resources. In return, we deliver the votes.鈥�

Especially in poorer provinces, political families often become the primary intermediaries between citizens and the state, shaping access to jobs, public services, and local resources. 鈥淧eople clearly see that,鈥� says Mr. Pascua. 鈥淭hey feel the effects in their lives.鈥�

The challenging road to reform

If passed, the Dapat Isa Lang proposal would fundamentally alter the structure of Philippine electoral politics. Only two members of a political family could hold elected office at any given time 鈥� one in a national position, and one local. The measure would also prohibit succession, substitution, and switching of positions among relatives up to the fourth degree of consanguinity, including first cousins.

But first, organizers must mobilize a network of churches, schools, and civic organizations to gather millions of signatures 鈥� 10% of the national voting pool 鈥� which must then be verified by the Commission on Elections in order to trigger a referendum. The people鈥檚 initiative will likely face legal and political challenges before reaching a national plebiscite.

鈥淭hese political dynasties hold not only political power, but also economic power. They control vast resources and maintain close ties with the business and financial sectors,鈥� Mr. Pascua says. 鈥淭he push for a national referendum requires a significant amount of funding. Can the Catholic Church and civil society sustain that?鈥�

The Rev. Reyes hopes it can. In the end, Dapat Isa Lang may be a litmus test of the Catholic Church鈥檚 political influence in the Philippines, which is about 79% Catholic. The movement presents itself as a broad civic campaign bringing together former government officials, social justice groups, and business leaders, but bishops and other clergy members are at the helm 鈥� framing dynastic corruption as a moral issue.

The church has opposed dynasties in the past, including in 2022, when a contingent of clergy and lay leaders tried unsuccessfully to steer the public away from returning the Marcos family to Malaca帽ang. For many, that election was a wake-up call, revealing how decades of political neutrality had sapped the church of its authority. Some view this push for anti-dynasty reform as a less partisan and polarizing means to a similar end.

So far, it seems to be resonating with congregations.

After the movement was launched on May 8, 鈥渕any [bishops] even invited us to go to their dioceses to speak to the clergy and explain to ordinary people 鈥� why dynasties are a problem,鈥� says the Rev. Reyes. Once that context is clear, followers 鈥� and especially young people 鈥� are eager to be part of the solution.

Molly Espinoza, a newly registered voter raised in a Catholic family, is adding her voice to what she described as the 鈥済rowing clamor for change.鈥�

鈥淚 can鈥檛 imagine a future still trapped in the same problems the country is experiencing now,鈥� she says. 鈥淚 don鈥檛 want my future self to be governed by the same family names my parents rant and complain about every single day. That鈥檚 why I think it is really important for young people to step forward and make the right move.鈥�