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Can Mali use surge of patriotism to heal its political divides?

Patriotism is surging in Mali with a military campaign to oust Islamist gunmen from the north. Whether the feeling lasts could be vital to the country鈥檚 future, say observers. 

A French soldier (l.) talks with a Malian soldier during a patrol in the outskirts of Sevare, Mali, Wednesday.

Thibault Camus/AP

January 23, 2013

As French and Malian troops were advancing on Islamist militants this weekend, a young man lay quietly on a lawn chair in the capital, giving blood.

鈥淚鈥檓 not a soldier and can鈥檛 go to the front,鈥 said El Hadj Mahamane Soumaila afterward. 鈥淏ut there鈥檚 something I can do, which is support our authorities. And give my blood.鈥

Patriotism is surging in Mali with a military campaign to oust Islamist gunmen from the north. Whether the feeling lasts could be vital to the country鈥檚 future. A society traumatized by war must heal, while political leaders must overcome bitter disagreements to restore democracy following a coup d鈥櫭﹖at last year.听

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Beneath the vows of national solidarity, 鈥渟ociety is fragile on many levels,鈥 says Moussa Mara, a political party leader and district mayor in the capital of Bamako, 鈥渁mong communities, among religious actors, and in political life.鈥

Such tensions could translate into reprisal attacks and abuses by security forces, which would in turn interfere with the presidential elections that are expected later this year, warned Human Rights Watch in a report last month.

Perfect storm

The root of Mali鈥檚 troubles goes back decades. Under-development and poor governance in the north has helped fuel periodic rebellions by the country鈥檚 Tuareg minority. It also allowed Islamist militants to set up shop, tapping into smuggling networks and kidnapping Westerners for ransom.

Last year Islamists hijacked a fresh Tuareg revolt to seize the north, prompting army officers exasperated by the government鈥檚 dithering to oust the elected president. An interim president, Dioncound茅 Traour茅, was appointed in April and now heads a caretaker government.

But trouble didn鈥檛 stop there. Last May, supporters of coup leader Capt. Amadou Sanogo beat up Mr. Traour茅, a veteran politician whom critics associate with years of slipshod governance. Last month, officers loyal to Sanogo forced the resignation of then-interim Prime Minister Cheick Modibo Diarra.

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The scuffling at the top reflects broader quarrels. Political leaders are deeply divided over whether Traour茅 and his government should steer Mali through presidential elections that were derailed by last year鈥檚 coup.

鈥淚 don鈥檛 see things changing,鈥 Mr. Mara says. He describes a political field occupied by three big camps, with strong critics of the government and strong government supporters glaring at each other from opposite ends. 鈥淭hose of us in the middle want people to talk to one another,鈥 he says.

Where is the change?

Mara considers himself a centrist. The party he heads, Yelema 鈥 or, 鈥淐hange鈥 鈥 is part of the Convergence pour Sauver le Mali, a coalition of parties and civil society groups that broadly supports the government and is pushing for political leaders to put aside differences for the common good.

鈥淲e must avoid marginalizing certain political actors, who could become extreme,鈥 he says, referring in particular to the Convergence Patriotique pour le Mali (COPAM), the main antigovernment grouping.

Younouss Dicko, COPAM鈥檚 leader, also wants dialogue 鈥 although with a different goal in mind. The coalition he leads roundly opposes the interim government and wants broad national discussion to settle on a replacement before holding presidential elections.

鈥淚s it legitimate for the interim president to organize elections?鈥 he says. He accuses Traour茅 and his political allies of having 鈥渁bandoned the country, disorganized the army, and allowed jihadis to install themselves in the north.鈥

Mr. Dicko remembers when Mali was a French colony. He remembers the pride he felt at its independence and the sting of humiliation last year when the Malian state crumpled under Islamist assault. 鈥淏rought to its knees by groups of men in [four-wheelers],鈥 he says.听

It remains to be seen whether Mali鈥檚 political class can achieve concord. For now, Traour茅 and the interim government have international backing, and events in the country are gathering momentum as troops from West African countries head to Mali to join French and Malian forces.

Timbuktu

For Cri de Coeur, a Bamako-based medical support NGO, military intervention was cue for a blood drive. Last Saturday the group鈥檚 doctors set up in the ground-floor chambers of a monumental tower dedicated to Africa.听

Soumaila was shown into a small office, where a cheerful young doctor named Mamadou B茅r茅 weighed him conducted a brief interview.

How old was Soumaila? 26. Had he given blood before? No. Where was he from?

Timbuktu,鈥 Soumaila said.

Last year the city fell to militants from Ansar al Din, one of three Islamist groups that overran Mali鈥檚 north. Soumaila works for a local NGO helping care for Timbuktu鈥檚 thousands of medieval manuscripts. Since last summer they have shifted operations 鈥 now largely on hold 鈥 to Bamako.听

When he was finished giving blood, Soumaila stepped out into the morning. The city stretched in all directions, vast and bustling.听

鈥淚 hope we鈥檒l have learned many lessons from the conflict, and strengthen our solidarity,鈥 he says. For now, 鈥渨e don鈥檛 have the luxury to say 鈥業鈥檓 for the president鈥 or 鈥業鈥檓 for the coup leaders. The nation is in danger. We can鈥檛 stay separated.鈥