海角大神

Taking a page from Trump鈥檚 playbook, politicians take aim at the press

The campaign ad, at first, seems unremarkable. California Rep. Devin Nunes (R), standing outdoors in a crisp blue shirt, details his service to his district and the nation.

But about 20 seconds in, the ad pivots. The House Intelligence chairman accuses his local newspaper, the Fresno Bee, of colluding with 鈥渞adical left-wing groups鈥� to vilify him. He criticizes its coverage of a scandal involving a Napa Valley winery in which Congressman Nunes is an investor, and calls the Bee鈥檚 reporting 鈥渁 textbook example of fake news.鈥�

鈥淚t鈥檚 fine for the Bee鈥檚 band of creeping correspondents to go after me,鈥� he adds, 鈥渂ut it鈥檚 wrong for them to drag a family company through the mud.鈥�

For a politician to complain about his hometown paper鈥檚 coverage is nothing new. Nunes, however, not only aggressively pushes back against what he characterizes as unfair reports, he also appears to have spent significant campaign money attacking the paper itself. The ad has aired on television and radio as well as online, and came just months after the congressman launched his own 鈥渘ews鈥� website, , paid for by his campaign committee. The congressman declined a request for an interview.

It鈥檚 an example of how much President Trump鈥檚 strategy of discrediting the media is seeping into the playbooks of other elected officials and candidates, as a way to deflect negative news coverage and energize base voters. Just this week, Mr. Trump聽retweeted of his supporters at a rally in Florida chanting 鈥淐NN sucks!鈥� while the outlet鈥檚 Jim Acosta reported live from the event.

This came on the heels of a meeting between the president and New York Times publisher A.G. Sulzberger, in which Mr. Sulzberger raised concerns about the dangers Trump鈥檚 鈥渁nti-press rhetoric鈥澛爌oses for journalists and for democracy. Trump later tweeted: 鈥淪pent much time talking about the vast amounts of fake news being put out by the media and how that fake news has morphed into [the] phrase, 鈥楨nemy of the people.鈥� Sad!鈥�

Other Republicans have taken up the 鈥渇ake news鈥� banner:

• Kentucky Gov. Matt Bevin聽聽in tweets attacking the Courier-Journal, after it reported on an ethics complaint over the purchase of the governor鈥檚 home.
• Idaho state Rep. Priscilla Giddings earlier this year a state version of the president鈥檚 鈥淔ake News Awards.鈥�
• Former Alabama Senate candidate Roy Moore聽 against The Washington Post last year after the paper reported that he was accused of sexual misconduct with teenage girls when he was in his 30s.

The tactic is popular because it works. Voters, especially those on the edges of the political spectrum, already distrust the press, and publicly panning reporters poses little risk for officials. Thanks to social media and the internet, candidates can deliver their own narratives to voters without having to rely on established news outlets. Indeed, strategists from strongly conservative areas say politicians are often better served criticizing the media than fostering good relationships with reporters.

Still, some experts say going after the media in this way is intensifying an already stark 鈥� and problematic 鈥� partisan divide and contributing to a growing sense among the American public that nothing reported in the mainstream media can be trusted.

鈥淎 world where people don鈥檛 know what to trust or don鈥檛 believe that facts can be impartially presented 鈥� that undermines the core premises of what makes a democracy work,鈥� says Sam Gill, an executive at the Knight Foundation who co-authored a series of reports on public trust in the news media.

鈥楾he go-to bloody shirt鈥�

Politicians have long had a fraught relationship with the press.聽What Trump has done differently, according to analysts, is that he doesn鈥檛 just say the media are presenting stories slanted against him; he insists they鈥檙e making stuff up.聽

鈥淗e鈥檚 really trying to tell Americans: 鈥楾his is false, this is manufactured propaganda, this should be ignored,鈥� rather than saying, 鈥楬ere鈥檚 my side of the story,鈥� 鈥� says David Greenberg, who teaches history of journalism and media studies at Rutgers University. 鈥淭hat鈥檚 a categorical difference.鈥�

For Trump and others, attacks on the media offer a quick way to shut down debate and discussion 鈥� and rile up the base, says Charlie Sykes, a former conservative radio host. 鈥淚t鈥檚 the go-to bloody shirt,鈥� he says. 鈥淲hen all else fails, attack the media. It will always be an applause line.鈥�

Nunes鈥檚 broadside against the Fresno Bee is particularly striking because the paper has actually endorsed the congressman every year since 2003 鈥� as the paper鈥檚 editorial board points out in refuting each of Nunes鈥檚 claims. But for politicians like Nunes, newspaper endorsements may be of increasingly limited value.聽

鈥淗alf the time when [a local publication] makes an endorsement or recommendation, it鈥檚 a condemnation for the candidate,鈥� says Phillip Peters, a school board member and conservative activist in California鈥檚 Kern County 鈥� which, like Fresno, is heavily agricultural and far redder than the state鈥檚 coastal enclaves. 鈥淚 hear people say, 鈥榃ell this newspaper鈥檚 supporting this guy. I don鈥檛 want anything to do with him.鈥� 鈥�

Some political consultants tell their clients to just avoid talking to the media as much as possible. 鈥淲hy take the risk of dealing with a media corps that might not treat you fairly when you can tell your story unfiltered?鈥� says Jason Cabel Roe, a Republican strategist in Southern California.

Of course, Democrats are also willing to undercut media credibility when it suits them. Like Nunes, Sens. Claire McCaskill of Missouri and Bob Menendez of New Jersey have both put up meant to look like , but that are actually campaign sites financed by their supporters.

鈥淲e鈥檝e crossed a line 鈥� and I鈥檓 not sure when it happened 鈥� from criticizing media bias to delegitimizing all media,鈥� Mr. Sykes says. 鈥淚f we no longer have shared facts, if we no longer believe that there is some sort of objective truth that we can then debate and discuss, how can we run a society? How can we hold politicians accountable?鈥�

The push for profits

To be sure, the press holds some responsibility for its own credibility issues.聽The rise of 24-hour cable news and then of social media has fueled a tendency to focus on political drama and scandal, as media companies struggle to attract consumers and advertisers. 鈥淣ews organizations are more under threat by [industry trends] than politicians criticizing the press,鈥� says Tim Groeling, who researches political communication and new media at UCLA.

聽has also reinforced a notion that any media that doesn鈥檛 clearly reflect the values of a consumer鈥檚 political party is biased or wrong. More than half of Americans today say they can鈥檛 name an objective news source, the Gallup/Knight Foundation survey finds. Two-thirds of Republicans who say they can name an objective news outlet cite right-leaning Fox News.

鈥淪o much is driven by partisan affiliation,鈥澛爏ays Mr. Gill. 鈥淲e have a side, and we view everything 鈥� including the news 鈥� through the prism of what side we鈥檙e on, instead of determining the facts and interpreting them.鈥�

Still, Gill notes that a major takeaway from their report is that Americans still believe the news media is crucial to democracy.聽And despite the verbal 鈥� and sometimes physical聽鈥� assaults against reporters, local and national news outlets continue to report on abuses of power and hold officials accountable at all levels.

Some Republicans warn that antagonism toward the press, if taken too far, could backfire by alienating some voters.聽鈥淲hen you devolve into a shouting match, that only endears you to more fringe people,鈥� says Mr. Peters.

鈥淭he media鈥檚 never going to go away,鈥� adds Matt Rexroad, a GOP consultant based in Sacramento. 鈥淢y hope is ... if I鈥檓 fair with them, then they鈥檒l be fair with me.鈥�