On this D-Day anniversary, the Trump administration boosts Europe鈥檚 far right
A journalist takes pictures of military vehicles taking part in a NATO training exercise at a military training area in Lest, near the town of Zvolen, Slovakia, June 4, 2026.
Radovan Stoklasa/Reuters
London
The mood at the remembrance ceremony was somber, on ground hallowed by the bravery of tens of thousands of American and Allied troops who surged onto the narrow stretch of sand, just a few hundred yards away, to finally liberate Europe from Adolf Hitler.
But this year鈥檚 commemoration of the June 1944 D-Day landings 鈥� at the Normandy American聽Cemetery, overlooking Omaha Beach in northwest France 鈥� played out unlike any before it.
In a departure from speakers鈥� traditional emphasis on the abiding importance of the shared聽values of the liberating nations 鈥� and of the postwar transatlantic security alliance, NATO 鈥撀燯.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth delivered a strikingly different political message.
Why We Wrote This
The shared democratic values between the United States and Europe that were once the bedrock of transatlantic cooperation are in tatters. On this year鈥檚 anniversary of the D-Day landings that turned the tide against Nazi Germany in World War II, the Trump administration offered a full-throated endorsement of Europe鈥檚 far-right political parties.
He rebuked European governments for failing to crack down on immigration from the Middle East and Africa 鈥� an 鈥渋nvasion,鈥� as Mr. Hegseth put it, that he likened to the Allies鈥� D-Day thrust against the Nazis.
The timing of his remarks gave them added impact.
They came ahead of NATO鈥檚 annual summit early next month, to be hosted by Turkey, and on top of already growing strains within the alliance.
U.S. President Donald Trump has recently revived talk of quitting NATO altogether, angered by聽the European allies鈥� unwillingness to join his war against Iran.
The main concern for European partners remains Russia鈥檚 war on Ukraine.聽
While they鈥檝e been ramping up their defense spending to compensate for Mr. Trump鈥檚 reduction of U.S. support for Kyiv, they鈥檙e still not in a position to do without America鈥檚 lynchpin NATO role.
And even if Mr. Trump stops short of a formal withdrawal, European confidence in America鈥檚聽support has been inexorably waning.
A this week, conducted across 15 European countries, found an average of only 11% of respondents considered the U.S. to be an ally. That was down from around 25% in late 2024, and 16% late last year.
Half of those surveyed did view Washington as a 鈥渘ecessary partner.鈥� But most said that they were no longer confident America would come to their countries鈥� defense if they were under attack.
Yet Mr. Hegseth鈥檚 speech tapped into an even deeper worry among European leaders about U.S. policy.
It鈥檚 not just a concern about a potentially loosened American security commitment and their capability to provide sufficient help to Ukraine on their own.
It鈥檚 that the Trump administration no longer feels a political kinship, or a sense of shared values,聽with America鈥檚 post-World War II democratic partners 鈥� and that it sees its true allies as the far-right, anti-immigration parties rising in the polls in a number of European countries.
Mr. Hegseth鈥檚 speech followed another recent message about European immigration policy from Vice President JD Vance, in response to controversy surrounding videocam footage of the police response to a fatal knife assault on a teenager in Britain.
Though the attacker was a British man of Punjabi descent, Mr. Vance blamed the attack on a failure by 鈥淓uropean elites鈥� to oppose a 鈥渕ass invasion of migrants.鈥�
U.K. officials criticized the vice president鈥檚 intervention.
But they see little prospect he will step back from his public support for anti-immigration聽populist parties in Britain or elsewhere in Europe.
That鈥檚 a particular concern for Britain鈥檚 Prime Minister Keir Starmer. Not only is he facing a聽possible leadership challenge from within his own Labour Party.聽This week, he was also having to defuse public unrest in Northern Ireland over an attempted beheading on Monday in Belfast 鈥� not by a locally born man, but by an asylum seeker from Sudan.
On both security and immigration, European leaders still hope they鈥檒l be able to find some聽common ground with the Trump administration.
Not only are they boosting their own defense spending. They鈥檝e tightened immigration controls over the past few years, and the numbers of migrants arriving in European countries are far lower than their peak levels of a decade ago.
Still, the Trump administration鈥檚 views toward Europe have been hardening in recent months.
In its recent national security strategy released last December, the White House warned that many European countries were facing 鈥渢he stark prospect of civilizational erasure鈥� as a result of the arrival of non-European immigrants.
It said that the U.S. would cultivate 鈥減atriotic European political鈥� parties resisting immigration.
A couple of weeks ago, in remarks at a security conference in Asia, Mr. Hegseth accused聽European allies of having thrown 鈥渙pen their borders and hollowed out their militaries.鈥�
鈥淓urope and NATO have some big decisions to make,鈥� he declared.
The particulars of Mr. Hegseth鈥檚 vision for America鈥檚 closest allies were left unclear: He told the D-Day audience that this would have to go beyond 鈥渆mpty slogans 鈥� lavish summits [or] communiques.鈥�
But the sea change in Washington鈥檚 approach to Europe is perhaps best underscored by Mr.聽Hegseth鈥檚 own speech at last year鈥檚 D-Day commemoration in France.
Those remarks were much more in keeping with the message from other American political figures鈥� speeches on the venerated anniversary of the Allied landings.
鈥淲ithout the sacrifices of American, French, British, and other Allied powers, we would not have聽the free world,鈥� he said a year ago.
鈥淲e remember the losses. We celebrate the victories.
鈥淲e rededicate ourselves to the fight for liberty, security, and peace.鈥�