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King Charles III is headed to Washington. Can he steady the 鈥榮pecial relationship鈥欙豢?

There will be pomp aplenty, but a high-stakes political objective, too, when Britain鈥檚 King Charles III embarks on a state visit to the United States early next week.

The aim, or at least the hope, is to rescue the 鈥渟pecial relationship鈥� between London and Washington from its most acrimonious downturn in decades.

And it will be a daunting test of the impact of soft power in an increasingly hard-power world.

When planning for the trip began months ago, ties were already strained by President Donald Trump鈥檚 announcement of trade tariffs, his verbal barbs over immigration and crime in Britain, and his embrace of populist politicians like Nigel Farage, head of the surging Reform UK party.

Now, there鈥檚 a new and potentially deeper source of tension: Mr. Trump鈥檚 undisguised fury over Britain鈥檚 decision not to join the war against Iran.

In some ways, Charles is especially well-placed to help calm the waters.

He is a constitutional monarch: In Britain, power rests with Parliament and the prime minister.

He also has with Mr. Trump.

It鈥檚 an unlikely connection for two men who, in both demeanor and outlook, are polar opposites. But it goes back decades to a 1988 visit to Mar-a-Lago, when Charles, then a 39-year-old prince with a passionate interest in architecture, was in Florida to take part in a charity polo tournament.

The pomp should help, too: the formal Washington welcome, the White House state dinner, and the king鈥檚 scheduled address to a joint session of Congress 鈥� an honor granted only once before to a British monarch, his mother, the late Queen Elizabeth II, in 1991.

This should feed into the president鈥檚 reported fondness for all things royal, with the added feel-good factor that the visit鈥檚 official aim is to mark the 250th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence.

Still, hard-power realities could make the king鈥檚 mission both delicate and difficult.

Back home, Prime Minister Keir Starmer was mired this week in a crisis over his appointment of Peter Mandelson, a friend of the late Jeffrey Epstein, as ambassador to Washington 鈥� prompting concern from allies and calls from opposition politicians for him to resign.

Even before this latest fallout from the long-running Mandelson controversy, the government was worried Mr. Trump might use the king鈥檚 visit to ratchet up public attacks on the prime minister and double down on his recent remark that Britain would have supported the Iran war if Charles had been calling the shots.

It was with that in mind that Britain鈥檚 choreography for the visit has scheduled only a photo opportunity at the king鈥檚 White House meeting with the president, rather than the open-ended banter with reporters often included when foreign political leaders visit.

But there鈥檚 another, more difficult hard-power factor the king will also have to navigate: the sharp shift in America鈥檚 approach to the world during Mr. Trump鈥檚 second term, and his muscular 鈥淎merica First鈥� attitude not just toward foes, but friends as well.

The king鈥檚 address to Congress is expected to make a spirited case for the shared language, culture, and political values that have long sustained the Anglo-American relationship.

But perhaps nothing more dramatically underlines the sea change Mr. Trump has made as president than a look back at the visit by Charles鈥� mother 3 1/2 decades ago.

George H.W. Bush was in the White House.

Queen Elizabeth was visiting on the heels of a Middle East war very different from Mr. Trump鈥檚 unilateral move to attack Iran: a painstakingly assembled alliance of some three dozen countries, including Britain and other European and Arab allies, to force Iraq鈥檚 Saddam Hussein to reverse his invasion of Kuwait.

The overall theme of Charles鈥� speech next week 鈥� emphasizing the abiding importance of the relationship between Britain and America 鈥� may well echo hers.

But the world 鈥� and the U.S. 鈥� have changed so profoundly that much of what in 1991 would now be far more likely to inflame transatlantic passions than quiet them.

鈥淪ome people believe that power grows from the barrel of a gun. So it can,鈥� the queen said.

鈥淏ut history shows that it never grows well, or for very long.鈥�

She hailed the outcome of the Gulf War, saying it had validated the shared principle 鈥渢hat naked aggression should never prevail.鈥�

And the queen also saluted President Bush鈥檚 leadership, the 鈥渃ourage and prowess鈥� of the U.S. military, saying that Britain, like other allies, had been 鈥減roud to act in a just cause alongside their American comrades.鈥�

But the wider lesson she drew from the war was of the importance of alliances, and of the values they promoted.

鈥淭he best progress is made when Europeans and America act in concert,鈥� she said. And with a shared aim: freedom under the rule of law and 鈥渃ivilized conduct鈥� between nations.

鈥淭he primary interest of our societies,鈥� Queen Elizabeth added, 鈥渋s not domination, but stability.鈥�

Charles鈥� own hope seems to be that the bond between Britain and America will yet prove enduring, a point he seemed to telegraph this week, before heading for Washington, in a statement honoring his mother on what would have been her 100th birthday.

鈥淢uch about the times we now live in, I suspect, may have troubled her deeply,鈥� he said.

鈥淏ut I take heart from her belief that goodness will always prevail and that a brighter dawn is on the horizon.鈥�