Mexico seeks to clean house – its way
The U.S. wants Mexico to do more on cartel crime and corruption. Balancing domestic pressures, Mexico’s president wants Washington to respect her country’s autonomy – and what she’s already done. Greater trust in one another could help.
President Claudia Sheinbaum Pardo at her daily mañanera (morning press conference), April 30, the day after the U.S. indicted 10 Mexican officials: During this event, she pushed back against the request for extradition, promising an internal investigation first.
Henry Romero/Reuters
As reported in the Monitor last week, the recent U.S. indictment of 10 Mexican officials poses a key test for President Claudia Sheinbaum Pardo: how best to balance pressures from its neighbor and largest trading partner with the domestic imperative to defend sovereignty – while also tackling cartel crime and serving justice for ordinary Mexicans?
More broadly, this development also tests both countries’ determination to collaboratively pursue legitimate shared interests in a way that stabilizes rather than further disrupts already-shaky economic, political, and security relations.
Last Thursday, President Sheinbaum said the U.S. request for extradition of the 10 officials did not provide enough evidence for arrests. Instead, she said, Mexican prosecutors would investigate the cases to determine evidence of criminality. Her declaration came in the wake of increasing unease after a roadway incident in late April pointed to CIA involvement inside Mexico.
The Trump administration has ramped up demands – including veiled military threats – to curb the flow of illegal drugs into the United States. Last year saw record-level fentanyl seizures, the extradition of dozens of alleged traffickers to the U.S., and increased intelligence sharing.
But even before President Donald Trump took office, the Sheinbaum government had launched Operation Swarm in November 2024, targeting cartel crime and political collusion at the municipal level. By February of this year, 60 people across six states had been arrested, including mayors and security officials from the ruling party. According to two researchers at the Washington-based Brookings Institution, this shows “Sheinbaum’s willingness to clean up her own party, something her predecessors ... were unwilling to do.”
“Some 30% of those arrested ... have been convicted. That’s crucial, and unusually high,” the researchers wrote, noting that successful prosecution rates in Mexico rarely top 7%.
Some critics fault Dr. Sheinbaum’s pursuit of corruption among high-level officials, whom she has sometimes negotiated out of office with a golden parachute rather than with prosecution. These apparent concessions to powerful interests underscore the immense challenges to professionalizing police, security, and judicial structures.
Still, according to the Mexico News Daily, Dr. Sheinbaum is charting a different course from her predecessor and “moving with increasing confidence and speed.” In March, several polls showed her approval rating at or above 70%, with 57% of respondents saying Mexico was on a “good/very good” path, though 41% viewed the relationship with Mr. Trump as “bad/very bad.”
Ultimately, effectively tackling cartel-related crime requires Mexico and the U.S. to deepen confidence and predictability in one another’s intentions and efforts, according to Earl Anthony Wayne, a former U.S. ambassador to Mexico.
“Trust needs to be nurtured,” he wrote in a commentary for the Center for Strategic and International Studies in January. “This is worth much more than rapid, uncoordinated moves that hit criminal groups, but weaken cooperation and build mistrust.”
Each country “brings critical capabilities,” Ambassador Wayne noted. Success depends on crafting mutually supportive, acceptable, and consistent approaches to combat corruption and pursue justice.