Questions about Turkey as a democracy and military model
When NATO meets in Chicago this weekend, intervention in Syria is sure to be discussed 鈥� perhaps by Syria's neighbor, Turkey, which presents itself as a democratic model for the Middle East with a strong military. But questionable investigations of its military undermine those claims.
Syrian refugees sit outside their tents at Reyhanli refugee camp in Hatay province on the Turkish-Syrian border in April. Turkey's prime minister recently warned that 'Syria must be aware that in the event of a repetition of border violations, Turkey鈥檚 stance will not be the same.' Op-ed writer Murat Onur says a fifth of the military's top brass is under arrest.
Murad Sezer/Reuters
Washington
When members of NATO gather at a summit in Chicago this weekend, the issue of possible alliance intervention in Syria is bound to come up 鈥� with the Turkish prime minister perhaps pushing the discussion.
Turkey is considered a model of democracy for a mostly Muslim country. It has urged the president of its Syrian neighbor to step down and the Syrian opposition to unify. Tens of thousands of Syrians have taken refuge in Turkey and last month refugees there came under cross-border fire.
鈥淲e have strong armed forces. ...and Syria must be aware that in the event of a repetition of border violations, Turkey鈥檚 stance will not be the same,鈥� said Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan recently.
But is Turkey鈥檚 military really so strong, and is Turkey the democratic model that so many think it is?
If a country鈥檚 democracy were measured by the number of generals arrested, Turkey would be, by far, the most advanced democracy. Arrests of military figures have been going on for years but a new wave began in early April after police stormed the houses of several retired generals.
This is聽 part of the investigation into what is known as the military鈥檚 鈥減ost-modern coup鈥� of Feb. 28, 1997 鈥� in which the precursor to Mr. Erdogan鈥檚 Justice and Development Party (AKP) was eventually banned on charges of anti-secular activity. Modern Turkey was founded on the principle of secularism; the AKP today describes itself as a conservative democratic party. It sprang from the Islamist movement.
The 鈥淔ebruary 28鈥� trial is the latest in a series of legal probes of the Turkish military by an AKP-friendly judicial branch.
The infamous 鈥�Ergenekon鈥� trial, which began in 2008, has turned into a massive legal undertaking consisting of several cases. More than 250 people 鈥� including generals, politicians, academics, rights activists, journalists, and even students 鈥� are being investigated on charges that they belong to a clandestine terror network intent on overthrowing the government of Erdogan鈥檚 ruling party.
鈥淪ledgehammer鈥� is another case in which hundreds of retired and active officers are being investigated over an alleged 2003 coup plot against the AKP government.
Hundreds of retired and active officers are being investigated as a part of these investigations. More than 180 of them are in pre-trial detention, including the former chief of the Turkish armed forces, former chiefs of the Navy and Air Force, and several high-profile generals and admirals. More importantly, around 60 active generals and admirals are behind bars, making up more than 19 percent of the Turkish military鈥檚 top brass.
Many aspects of these investigations contradict the principles of democratic governance and rule of law. Most of the suspects are behind bars without any verdict in their cases. The Council of Europe recently raised concerns about the withholding of evidence from defendants at the investigation stage (often extending into years) which deprives them of the opportunity to challenge their detentions.
The European Union鈥檚 2010 progress report on Turkey says the Ergenekon case and 鈥渟everal鈥� of the coup probes raise concerns about 鈥渏udicial guarantees for all suspects.鈥�
Independent forensic experts also discovered that a significant portion of the evidence used against the suspects is forged or their authenticity is questionable. Those who write about such irregularities often face a powerful defamation campaign by the dominant pro-AKP media.
True, the Turkish military did engineer politics and shape governments in the past 鈥� carrying out four coups since 1960. Yet many believe the coup trials have now become political mechanisms through which those who are in power are subduing the opposition and attacking presumed threats against the AKP鈥檚 growing dominance in the country.
Having the second largest military in NATO and the longest land border with Syria, Turkey鈥檚 support 鈥� diplomatic and, perhaps, military 鈥� will be crucial if the so-called 鈥淎nnan plan鈥� and its UN cease-fire provision fail to resolve the Syrian crisis.
Yet Turkey鈥檚 democracy and its institutions, including the armed forces, are seriously undermined by irrelevant accusations against military members and others, lengthy imprisonment without verdicts, indefinite pre-trial detentions, and powerful defamation campaigns against the AKP鈥檚 opponents.
The arrests of hundreds of officers 鈥� including members of elite special forces 鈥� by police counter-terrorism units and the humiliation of top generals by the pro-AKP media may weaken the morale and discipline in the armed forces.
Moreover, a military that lacks a fifth of its top officers may face serious challenges in supporting an international military intervention on the border.
The AKP-led government must stop eroding the rule of law at home by ensuring the judiciary and police function within the limits of democratic governance and the courts are not used to target presumed opponents of its ideology.
And the government should match its deeds on democracy and human rights at home with its talk about them abroad. Otherwise, Turkey may descend into the league of the world鈥檚聽 quasi-democracies, and lose its democratic influence in the region.
Murat Onur is a聽 foreign affairs analyst and political commentator on Turkey.