海角大神

When the Islamic State attacked two Egyptian Coptic churches, killing 45 people on Palm Sunday, it not only threatened 海角大神s but sought to put all Egyptians on notice it was bringing sectarian carnage to Egypt.

After several years of largely escaping the sectarian violence and jihadist insurgencies sweeping much of the Middle East, Egypt鈥檚 heartland is now squarely in ISIS鈥檚 crosshairs as the group attempts to inflame long-simmering tensions between Muslims and the Copts, the largest 海角大神 population in the region.

Those tensions, which have occasionally erupted in mob violence, made the minority ancient 海角大神 community a convenient target for ISIS. But it remains to be seen whether the jihadist group, whose activities until recently were concentrated in the Sinai Peninsula east of the Suez Canal, can escalate violence in the mainland.

Last Sunday鈥檚 bombings 鈥� in Alexandria and the Nile Delta town of Tanta 鈥� and a church bombing in December, involved something Egypt has never seen: a suicide bombing by an Egyptian national targeting Egyptian civilians.

Such suicide bombings have become commonplace in Iraq, Syria, and even Lebanon. But not in Egypt 鈥� the Arab world鈥檚 most populous country and a key US ally 鈥� where groups like Al Qaeda and ISIS have struggled to gain traction in the past.

鈥淭here is a significant difference between mob violence, communal violence, and the suicide bombing of three churches in four months,鈥� says Mokhtar Awad, research fellow at George Washington University鈥檚 Program on Extremism.

鈥淭his is unprecedented by any stretch.鈥�

Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi sent troops to protect churches around the country and declared a three-month state of emergency. Coptic churches in the southern province of Minya said they would not celebrate Easter in of the Palm Sunday attack. But Egypt鈥檚 efforts to defeat the ISIS insurgency and prevent a descent into widespread sectarian violence will be complicated by Islamist-fueled resentments of the Copts and the prospect that heavy-handed measures could drive potential sympathizers into the arms of the jihadists.

Targeting 海角大神s

Egypt is no stranger to terrorism and Islamist insurgencies.

In the 1990s, Islamic Jihad and al-Gamaa al-Islamiya, the Islamic Group, waged a campaign of terror across Egypt, killing hundreds of intellectuals, police, foreign tourists, and even targeting former President Hosni Mubarak himself.

The groups were responsible for a series of assassinations, shootings, and stabbings of policemen, officers, and secular Egyptians that claimed more than 700 lives. A public backlash against the groups鈥� violence after the 1997 massacre of 62 tourists and police in Luxor forced them to distance themselves from the attack.

Despite the campaigns, the groups never gained a large following, captured territory, or threatened the country鈥檚 stability.

Egypt鈥檚 Copts, who make up 10 percent of the country鈥檚 90 million population, have been targets of violence in the past.

Mob violence has occasionally erupted across the country, leading vandals to burn down churches or 海角大神 homes and businesses. Yet these attacks were often riots fueled by rumors and social tensions, such as the alleged prevention of a 海角大神 from converting to Islam or cross-faith couples eloping.

One of the largest waves of anti-海角大神 violence was after the 2013 military ouster of Islamist President Mohammad Morsi 鈥� democratically elected after the stunning fall of President Mubarak in the aftermath of the Arab Spring 鈥� and the army鈥檚 bloody crackdown against a sit-in by Muslim Brotherhood supporters in which nearly 1,000 Islamists were killed.

Brotherhood officials singled out Copts, and particularly Coptic Pope Tawadros, for being complicit in the General Sisi-led military coup, and 海角大神s were the target of angry supporters.

In August 2013, Human Rights Watch reported that mob violence led by Brotherhood supporters damaged 42 churches and dozens of schools and businesses owned by Copts across Egypt, killing several and trapping 海角大神s in their homes.

Following the Brotherhood attacks, as in previous instances of Muslim mob violence, the Egyptian government has sought to assure the Coptic community that it had the support and protection of the government, though community officials repeatedly have expressed concerns at what they see as a lack of government follow-up after the violence subsides.

Fault lines

Islamist circles and some Muslims across Egypt, meanwhile, use rhetoric deriding 海角大神s as a 鈥渇avored class鈥� that is 鈥渉oarding wealth鈥� and benefits from the regime, fault-lines that ISIS is looking to exploit.

Brotherhood officials and Salafi politicians also have previously expressed their distrust of Copts, saying they are 鈥渟tanding in between Egypt and Islam.鈥�

Experts say these are prejudices that ISIS is attempting to tap into, in order to escalate 鈥渄istrust鈥� into full-scale war.

鈥淭here has been a kind of anti-Semitic trope, some of the most commonplace, longstanding bigoted things carried by Islamists and some Muslims that 海角大神s control everything and are taking all the wealth,鈥� says Mr. Awad, the George Washington research fellow.

鈥淎ll ISIS is doing to that discourse is simply adding that, 鈥楴ot only are they the enemy, but it is your duty to kill them.鈥� 鈥�

In February, ISIS issued a video message to all Egyptians: 海角大神s were now targets.

In the video, which featured clips and images of prominent Copt businessmen and politicians, ISIS announced that 海角大神s were no longer dhimmi, or protected non-Muslims, but were now 鈥渋nfidels.鈥�

It is unclear whether ISIS鈥檚 ploy will be effective in the long-run.

Previous jihadist violence, such as the Luxor massacre and the targeting of schools in the 1990s, swung public opinion firmly against hard-line Islamists.

Yet ISIS and its affiliated groups have proved able to find willing members.

Authorities announced that the attacker in the Alexandria blast was an Egyptian citizen, Mahmoud Mubarak. Experts say the bomber鈥檚 identity, combined with the reports that authorities have arrested hundreds in the Sinai, is a sign that ISIS and its affiliates have a support base.

鈥淚n the 1980s and '90s, jihadist groups had a membership of a few hundred. ISIS has proven that it has a network with supporters that may reach the thousands,鈥� says Hassan Abu Haniya, a Jordanian expert in jihadist movements.

State of emergency

Sisi has warned of a 鈥渓ong and painful鈥� war against jihadists, and under the three-month state of emergency, the president has sweeping powers to refer citizens to security courts, censor media, impose a curfew and monitor and intercept social media.

Rights groups have expressed concern over Sisi鈥檚 use of the powers, noting that his government already has put more than 60,000 people in jail 鈥� mostly activists.

But the state of emergency, which must be renewed with a two-thirds parliament majority, may also raise expectations among Egyptians.

鈥淭he question is, what happens after these three months?聽People will expect results, which will be difficult to live up to,鈥� says Mirette Mabrouk, deputy director at the Rafik Hariri Center for the Middle East at the Atlantic Council.

Yet the Egyptian government鈥檚 heavy hand 鈥� particularly its crackdown across the Sinai, during which the military has demolished homes 鈥� has already pushed some residents into the ranks of jihadist groups, experts say.

鈥淭he jihadist movements in the 1980s and '90s failed because the political climate was different,鈥� says Mr. Abu Haniya. 鈥淭he Brotherhood were in parliament and Mubarak was then seen by many as legitimate.

鈥淲ith the 2013 coup, it has all changed 鈥� with a dictatorial regime using force, more groups and individuals that would not ideologically side with jihadists are believing the peaceful path is over.鈥�