海角大神

President Obama appears to have the votes to ensure congressional approval of the landmark nuclear deal with Iran, a key plank of which is an easing of economic sanctions. And one of the beneficiaries聽will聽be聽Iran鈥檚 primary tool for projecting power 鈥� the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), and especially its elite Qods Force, which聽handles聽operations abroad.

But are Iran鈥檚 wizened generals, who mostly cut their military teeth in the 1980s as teenage volunteers during the聽brutal聽Iran-Iraq War,聽already聽in danger of overreach?

For decades, American military planners aimed to be capable of simultaneously fighting 鈥� and winning 鈥� two full-blown wars in different regions. It was a challenge, even for a superpower.听Today, on a much smaller scale and with a sliver of the military means, Iran is attempting the same thing in the Middle East: It is deeply engaged in Syria and Iraq; waving the flag in Yemen; and very influential in Lebanon.

Never聽before has the Revolutionary Guard, whose 120,000-strong force is much smaller than Iran鈥檚 regular 425,000-strong armed forces, been engaged so deeply and widely abroad 鈥� yet聽with increasingly mixed and entangling results.

There is no shortage of commitment:聽at聽least seven聽IRGC generals have died on the frontlines,聽primarily in聽Syria but also in Iraq, taken down by snipers鈥� bullets, bombs, and even an Israeli airstrike. The Guards are relatively top heavy with generals due to their origins as an ideological militia. Still, such high-ranking losses are highly uncommon in modern warfare.

In Syria, the IRGC and its Lebanese Shiite ally Hezbollah are bolstering the regime of President Bashar al-Assad against an array of rebels and jihadists. In Iraq, Iran has mobilized Shiite militias to take on the self-described Islamic State, but at a cost of stoking more sectarian strife. While in Yemen, Iran has played a much lesser role in aiding Houthi militiamen against Saudi-backed forces.

Each conflict has now devolved largely along sectarian lines that pit Shiite Iran against its regional Sunni rivals, Saudi Arabia and Persian Gulf states allied with the US and Israel.

The IRGC 鈥渆xceeded their reach long ago.鈥� They are at the end of their tricks [in Syria], and Hezbollah lost a lot,鈥� says Walter Posch, a specialist on Iranian military forces at the Austrian National Defense Academy in Vienna.

鈥淚t worked well when it was low cost, but now it is high cost.鈥� There is no Saddam Hussein who insulted the Iranian nation as a whole鈥� as a national motivating factor, as in the 1980s, says Mr. Posch. 鈥淭his is a war of their own liking, for the purpose of power projection. But they鈥檝e been too ignorant of the fear of the small Gulf countries; too ignorant about the fears of the Saudis.鈥�

Ideological origins

The IRGC was formed after Iran鈥檚 1979 Islamic revolution by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, who wanted a more trusted and聽ideologically pure聽force than the regular Army. The grim years of the Iran-Iraq war consolidated its role 鈥撎�补苍诲 its anything-is-possible reputation.

Embracing the religious Shiite aspects of resistance in the image of Imam Hossein, the 7th-century Shiite saint venerated as 鈥渓ord of the martyrs,鈥� the IRGC has since become an economic and political powerhouse. It runs a multi-billion dollar business empire that handles everything from oil and infrastructure projects to weapons production. In politics, active-duty guardsman play no formal role, but its generals are close to Iran鈥檚 supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, and veterans have held cabinet and other government posts.听

鈥淚 don鈥檛 see signs of overreach; I think they鈥檝e got leadership in depth,鈥� says Richard Dalton, a former British ambassador to Tehran now at the Chatham House think tank in London. 鈥淭hey are tested in difficult situations. They鈥檝e been involved, whether in Lebanon, Iraq, or Afghanistan, for a very long period.鈥�

鈥淚t comes back to, 鈥榃ho wins wars?鈥� People who win wars and are the most effective are the ones with the greatest conviction, and the Iranians have got it,鈥� says Amb. Dalton.

That certainly applies to Qods Force commander Qassem Soleimani, who has often been photographed along frontlines in Iraq and elsewhere. He claimed this week that Iran鈥檚 efforts prompted the 鈥渃ollapse of American power in the region,鈥� according to details of a high-level briefing published in Iran鈥檚 conservative media.

'Gobbling' or choking?

Some argue that Iran鈥檚 regional expansion is unprecedented. Addressing Congress in March, Israel鈥檚 Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said Iran was 鈥済obbling up鈥� Mideast capitals. Yet the tide聽now聽isn鈥檛聽all聽going Iran鈥檚 way.

In Syria, for example, Iran has been聽fighting to defend Mr. Assad鈥檚 regime聽for聽more than 4-陆 years, spending an estimated $6 billion to $15 billion a year聽in a war that has claimed more than 240,000 lives. But pro-Assad forces have lost ground in recent months to rebels backed by the US, Turkey, Qatar, and Saudi Arabia, as well as to the self-described Islamic State.

President Hassan Rouhani has vowed to back the Syrian government 鈥渦ntil the end of the road.鈥� While Assad is running short of loyalist troops, the IRGC reportedly has tried to fill the gap by finding several thousand Afghans to fight, and die, in exchange for cash, Iranian residency or passports, and sometimes for commuted jail terms,聽听补苍诲 .听

In May, a special event held in Tehran commemorated Afghan martyrs killed in Syria, and 65 corpses were returned in a single exchange,聽according to Iranian media reports. Many are buried in Iran. Officially, Iran denies enlisting Afghans to fight in Syria.

In Iraq, Soleimani was instrumental in聽reviving tens of thousands of Shiite militiamen to push back IS for more than a year 鈥撀爄n concert with American airstrikes, and ironically with a similar mission as US military advisers now in Iraq. But those militias are accused of atrocities against Sunnis, and efforts to bolster the regular Iraqi military 鈥� decisive at first 鈥� have聽begun to stumble.听

And in Yemen, Iran has been marginally involved on the side of Houthi rebels as they advanced across the country earlier this year. In聽July,聽the critical port city of Aden was recaptured by Saudi-backed forces and troops of the United Arab Emirates. Months of Saudi-led airstrikes are imperiling the population, in a campaign explicitly aimed at rolling back Iranian influence.

鈥淭here is support for Soleimani but also high expectations,鈥� says Posch, of the IRGC's Qods Force chief. 鈥淗e has to deliver now. I don鈥檛 know how he deals with all these crises individually. He can鈥檛 go to all these battlefields in person.鈥澛�