海角大神

Being labeled 鈥測ellow鈥� saved Ivan Lam鈥檚 restaurant business.

The Hong Kong native opened his all-day breakfast nook last year in Causeway Bay, which turned out to be a hotspot for the city鈥檚 pro-democracy movement. As the protests began ramping up last summer, Mr. Lam found his restaurant nearly empty, night after night.聽

鈥淭hose were the worst days of Hong Kong,鈥� Mr. Lam says. 鈥淣o one felt like eating out. We had one table each night.鈥�

As the months wore on, Mr. Lam allowed protesters to store gas masks and first aid supplies at his restaurant No Boundary, convenient to the front lines. Later, he allowed a permanent Lennon Wall of sticky notes聽鈥撀爋utpourings of expression modeled after the one in Prague聽鈥� after authorities began taking down public versions throughout the city.

鈥淓ventually, word got out,鈥� says Mr. Lam. He was a pro-democracy supporter聽鈥� he was 鈥測ellow.鈥� 鈥淏lue,鈥� on the other hand, means pro-police or pro-Hong Kong establishment, seen as aligned with the Chinese central government in Beijing.

In September, mobile apps sprung up identifying retailers by their perceived politics, as the concept of a yellow-circle economy began taking root inside the movement. That allowed people to spend their dollars accordingly, and that鈥檚 when the lines for Mr. Lam鈥檚 restaurant began snaking down the street.聽

鈥淚t saved us,鈥� says Mr. Lam, who had considered shuttering the business before the yellow circle came to life.

Indeed, as authorities have tightened avenues for legal protest, the yellow circle is one way the movement keeps momentum going. Anecdotally, there has been an economic impact. Ultimately, the yellow economy is symbolic of deeper, long-lasting rifts in society that are separating families, classmates, and others who find themselves on opposite sides.

鈥淭he yellow economy is based on personal values,鈥� says Isaac Cheng, vice chairman of the pro-democracy political party Demosisto. 鈥淲e鈥檙e trying to punish people not supportive to the movement by using money.鈥�

Shades of blue聽

No one can pinpoint the genesis of the concept聽鈥� much like the protests themselves, which are leaderless and organized largely via anonymous posts.聽

Sometimes, color designations seem clear; other times, less so. One restaurant was deemed blue after waitstaff were overheard commenting that protesters deserved to be 鈥渂eat up鈥澛犫�� not necessarily a reflection of the owners鈥� position.

鈥淚t鈥檚 sometimes unfair,鈥� admits Hong Kong restaurateur Tim Law, recognizing the challenges of a system that makes things seem black and white, when they鈥檙e anything but.

鈥淣ot all the blues are so crazy to me,鈥� says Mr. Law, who supports the pro-democracy movement. 鈥淭here鈥檚 a kind of spectrum. I have some friends I鈥檇 call 鈥榣ight blue鈥� because they hate the violence.鈥�

Make no mistake: Mr. Law鈥檚 restaurant Little Vegas is decidedly yellow. He鈥檚 given staff time off to attend protests, sent 10,000 rice bowls to the front line, and allowed Lennon Walls to spring up in his restaurant.

Lenora Chu

A closeup of a "Lennon Wall" bearing pro-democracy messages of support, which have popped up in Hong Kong's "yellow" establishments perceived to support the protests.

One benefit of the yellow economy, Mr. Law says, is that staff have found new purpose. They鈥檙e united, and customers find reasons other than menu choices and bills to converse with them. 鈥淚 also feel a lot closer to my staff,鈥� he says, 鈥渂ecause before our conversations were more up-and-down. Now it鈥檚 more horizontal. We talk about things with meaning.鈥�

For some retailers, being labeled blue has hurt business. The city鈥檚 $350 billion-strong economy is largely controlled by conglomerates and companies with ties to mainland China. The movement has affected brands such as Bank of China, which experienced an exodus of customers to locally-owned banks.

Also labeled blue is Starbucks, owned and franchised in Hong Kong by Maxim鈥檚 Caterers, whose founding family member called protesters who participated in cyberattacks 鈥�.鈥� Several Starbucks stores were vandalized during the height of the violence.

Deepening divides

Whether the financial impact is short-lived or not, what鈥檚 clear is that deeper strains increasingly fracturing Hong Kong society are no passing fad.

The older generation, as a rule, tends to prefer things the way they were, while the younger idealists want freedom from Beijing at all costs. There are divisions among the protesters themselves, over methods and the amount of violence employed. Among the student population, native Hong Kongers and mainland Chinese who used to study side by side are finding politics can drive a wedge between them. For some, the mainlanders are hard to separate from their authoritarian government attempting to integrate a fiercely proud city into the mainland.

鈥淚鈥檝e become more distant from my mainland friends,鈥� admits Mr. Cheng of Demosisto. 鈥淚t鈥檚 better we don鈥檛 connect right now.鈥�

Divisions have opened up within families. 鈥淚 have friends who can no longer go home,鈥� says protest organizer Ventus Lau. His family worries about him, but he counts himself lucky that they still understand each other. 鈥淭his is about the city鈥檚 future. My family tells me 鈥業 don鈥檛 care about the city聽鈥� I just care about you.鈥� I can understand that.鈥�

The two sides are so polarized that pro-democracy supporters are afraid to visit beloved shops that happen to be blue, or feel compelled to go in secret.

It鈥檚 hard to envision a way out from the new normal. Restaurant owner Mr. Lam, for one, talks about a friend who committed suicide in July, leaving a note that stated 鈥渁 non-democratically elected government will not respond to our聽demands.鈥�

鈥淭he only way to heal this type of trauma is by getting what we want,鈥� insists Mr. Lam, his face darkening despite the light emanating from his restaurant. 鈥淔reedom, democracy, and the five demands.鈥�

Trying to shop neutral

Back on the street, Hong Kong homemaker Bert Liu donned a black face mask, signifying protest support, while waiting in line at Lung Mun Caf茅. 鈥淚 eat out five times a week at yellow shops,鈥� she says. 鈥淚 need to play my part.鈥澛�

Others, however, are not moved by the yellow economy. Sharon Wong finished up lunch at the blue Glee Caf茅 when she stopped to talk to the Monitor.

鈥淚 had no idea it was labeled blue,鈥� says Ms. Wong, a native Hong Konger who works as a physiotherapist. 鈥淚 have no stance on any colors. I just want to have a great lunch.鈥�

Yet that kind of stated indifference is also a position, insist some protesters. They label it with a different kind of moniker聽鈥� an animal, not a color.

They liken them to Hong Kong pigs. 鈥淭hey just want a normal life,鈥� says Mr. Lau, who last week learned he faces an incitement charge, which could carry a six-year prison term. They 鈥渏ust want to eat and sleep.鈥�

鈥淏ut this聽鈥� this is our city鈥檚 future.鈥�