Transparency in Mexico: Information doesn't come easily
| MEXICO CITY
A decade after Mexico created its Federal Institute for Access to Information (IFAI), civil society has more access to information on the federal government鈥檚 activities than ever before.
President-elect Enrique Pe帽a Nieto 鈥� whose campaign was marred by accusations of vote buying and corruption 鈥� has proposed extending transparency requirements to state and local governments. He is pushing, too, for an anti-corruption panel and a citizen-led agency to oversee government spending.
On Thursday night, Mexico鈥檚 seven-member Federal Electoral Tribunal ruled unanimously to dismiss a complaint that this summer's election was marred by fraud, clearing the way for Mr. Pe帽a Nieto to assume the presidency on Dec. 1.
Yet the reality for members of Mexico鈥檚 civil society, journalists, or just concerned citizens? Getting basic information from the government in a timely manner can be a dogged, frustrating pursuit.
Much like in the United States, most government agencies here have a department dedicated to public and media relations; in Mexico it鈥檚 called 鈥渟ocial communication.鈥� Unlike in the US, however, that department often throws up barriers to retrieving information, rather than facilitating its distribution.
One secretary leads to another. And another.
There are numerous informal ways to slow the access to information, regardless of what the law says. That鈥檚 where the IFAI can step in and help 鈥撀燼lthough how far that help goes is a matter of how long one is willing to wait.
In a recent case posted publicly on the IFAI website per the institute鈥檚 policy, someone asked the Mexican Navy how many people, of any rank or job type, had been dismissed for colluding with organized crime since 2006. When a Navy communications officer responded with a link to the Navy鈥檚 web page, which didn鈥檛 contain the requested information, the person asked IFAI to step in. IFAI evaluated the request and resolved that the Navy must perform an 鈥渆xhaustive investigation鈥� to provide the requested information.
The whole rigmarole took roughly three months 鈥� and the information still hadn鈥檛 been provided.
The government also makes overt decisions to restrict information.
President Felipe Calder贸n鈥檚 administration decided to stop publishing data on the country鈥檚 crime-related homicides earlier this year. In fact, the National Public Security System (SNSP), which is under the administration鈥檚 control, last released statistics on the death toll from the fight against organized crime in September 2011.
Jaime Lopez Aranda, who heads up the SNSP, told Mexico鈥檚 Reforma newspaper that the statistics were a 鈥渇ailed experiment.鈥� Categorizing murders by organized crime, he said, 鈥渄eeply undermines criminal procedure.鈥�
It鈥檚 true that the statistics weren鈥檛 perfect. And it鈥檚 arguable that defining what is and isn鈥檛 a homicide related to organized crime should be decided by the courts rather than by approximations (in Mexico鈥檚 case, whether a high-powered firearm was used, whether the body showed signs of torture, etc.).
Yet it鈥檚 also true that it鈥檚 convenient for Calder贸n鈥檚 government not to report those numbers, given that the death toll in the administration鈥檚 fight against organized crime continues to mount.
鈥淭he government does have political reasons for not making its tally of organized-crime-related murders public,鈥� writes analyst Elyssa Pachico. 鈥淒oing so could fuel further criticism that the human costs of Calderon's security strategy far outweigh the perceived benefits.鈥�
Expanding the reach of the IFAI will strengthen the public鈥檚 right to freedom of information. How the government takes on the responsibility of providing it is another matter.
