He risked everything to uncover corruption in Venezuela. Will it topple Maduro?
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| Mexico City
Venezuelans are scheduled to head to the polls this summer to select a leader in the first competitive race in the Andean nation in over a decade.
The current government of Nicol谩s Maduro barred the opposition primary winner, Mar铆a Corina Machado, from the ballot, prompting the United States to reinstate oil sanctions. But, in a surprise move, Mr. Maduro has so far allowed a new candidate, Edmundo Gonz谩lez, to compete. He is quickly gaining popularity, leading Mr. Maduro by more than 40 points in polls.
Although few expect the race to be free or fair, exiled Venezuelan investigative reporter Roberto Deniz will be watching it closely 鈥 and with something akin to hope. He鈥檚 been reporting on the Maduro regime for the past eight years at one of Venezuela鈥檚 few remaining independent news outlets,聽.
Why We Wrote This
An investigative reporter in Venezuela was forced to flee his country for uncovering corruption. A new documentary on that work helps explain why political change is in sight for the first time in over a decade.
And in a new 鈥淔rontline鈥 documentary that premiers on PBS this week called 鈥淎 Dangerous Assignment,鈥 he and his team are shown uncovering far-reaching corruption schemes that lined the pockets of Maduro government officials 鈥 and the close Maduro ally at the heart of it all.
The revelations, which聽led all the way to a U.S. money laundering trial and controversial prisoner swap, exemplify why trust in the Maduro regime has been eroded, and why a political change is in grasp.
Mr. Deniz recently spoke with the Monitor鈥檚 Whitney Eulich. The conversation has been edited for length and clarity.
How has the media environment changed in Venezuela between Presidents Hugo Ch谩vez (1999-2013) and his successor Nicol谩s Maduro (2013-present)?
I joined Armando.info in 2016. It鈥檚 the only remaining Venezuelan media focused on investigative journalism.
I studied journalism when Ch谩vez was in power. ... I always say we have to try to see the story of censorship during [the 25 years of the former president鈥檚 left-wing, populist political movement,]聽Chavismo, as a long, long line that started with Ch谩vez and increased with Nicol谩s Maduro. It grew, of course, because Maduro is not a popular leader ... and the economic and social situation got much worse during his administration.
If you try to study censorship in Venezuela, 2014 was a crucial year. Many, many well-known, big media outlets were sold to 鈥渆ntrepreneurs鈥 related to the Venezuelan government, the Maduro regime. It鈥檚 no coincidence Armando.info was founded that same year.
The implications are very clear. ... We don鈥檛 live in a democracy anymore. A population that has no easy possibility of getting independent information is a population that probably doesn鈥檛 really know what happens in the country.
I am a big defender of social media in a country like Venezuela, because it鈥檚 the only space that the government doesn鈥檛 at least control totally. They [can use it to] spread propaganda and misinformation. But people need [it] to make decisions. People need information to know what is really happening around them.
This investigation, which started by looking into fake powdered milk provided to desperately hungry Venezuelans, led you to half-built government housing projects, and eventually to a Maduro ally, Alex Saab, facing international money laundering charges. You and your colleagues have been slapped with lawsuits, and most recently with trumped-up charges by Venezuela鈥檚 public prosecutor. What does the scandal tell us about Venezuela right now 鈥 and looking back at your work, was it worth it?
For me as a journalist, I am very confident about what I did because I think it was the correct thing. It was my duty, my responsibility. ... If you ask me on the personal side, well I am not in Venezuela since 2018 because of this investigation. I had to flee [to Colombia]. I don鈥檛 know when I will go back to Venezuela, see my family.
I think the [鈥淔rontline鈥漖 documentary is kind of a portrait of what the Venezuelan government and regime really is. This [corruption we investigated] was happening in the worst economic and social crisis we have ever experienced in 2016, 2017, and 2018. That is very important. It鈥檚 terrible to have a government sinking in corruption, paying millions and millions of dollars to [import intentionally subpar products]. The president was getting rich while Venezuelans were suffering.
[More than 7.7 million Venezuelans have left the country due to hunger, violence, and poverty, according to the United Nations. Another 7 million still in Venezuela need humanitarian assistance.]
It鈥檚 a terrible message, and I think that鈥檚 the central reason why Maduro鈥檚 government doesn鈥檛 want this story to come out.
What is giving you hope for Venezuela right now?
I have to say I鈥檝e been a skeptical person since I was born. ... But I think we are going to live a very important, crucial moment in the [July 28] presidential election.
That date could be the day that represents change for Venezuela, if we have the possibility of a free election. I am sure Nicol谩s Maduro is going to lose. If you see all the polls in Venezuela, 80% of the country say they want a change.
[That being said] I鈥檓 not sure the election will happen. Maduro knows he is going to lose; he can suspend the election. But there is a very powerful feeling right now that is against this government. And most of the top聽officers in government are wanted by the justice departments in the U.S.,聽Europe, and other countries. In the end, they see power as their salvation, so聽it鈥檚 difficult to imagine that they鈥檙e ready to lose.
Does that mean justice for their alleged actions won鈥檛 be served in Venezuela?
It鈥檚 terrible as a journalist that has dedicated so many years to investigating corruption, human rights abuses, and other issues to accept saying it, but I鈥檓 sure that we are not going to have justice in Venezuela.
Even if there is political change, justice won鈥檛 happen. ... Maybe many years after Chavismo we can think of the idea of justice, but first we will have to focus on rebuilding institutions, rebuilding democracy, and other important things. Give people hope again, which is also very important. In this kind of process, justice is never the top priority. 聽
But maybe there is another way to answer this question. ... Maybe we are not going to have justice, but maybe our job as journalists is that more people, not just Venezuelans, will know what has really happened in Venezuela. For us, that鈥檚 the most important thing we leave with our work and through this documentary.