Brazil鈥檚 鈥楯an. 6鈥� is a hit to democracy 鈥� but could it also bolster it?
| Mexico City
Windows smashed, the halls of Congress destroyed, and hundreds of furious citizens storming the country鈥檚 capital to fight what they say was a stolen presidential election: This might seem a recap of the Jan. 6 insurrection in the United States. Instead, almost exactly two years later, Brazil witnessed an uncannily similar event over the weekend, throwing the stability of its democracy into question and presenting tall hurdles for President Luiz In谩cio Lula da Silva just one week into his new term.
For months, political analysts have warned that Brazil could face something similar to Jan. 6. Much like former President Donald Trump, former Brazilian leader Jair Bolsonaro spent years sowing unfounded doubts about Brazil鈥檚 electronic voting system. Mr. Bolsonaro never explicitly recognized his loss in a razor-thin October 2022 presidential runoff; following his loss, highways were blocked, and for weeks military buildings across the country were surrounded by small groups of pro-Bolsonaro protesters insisting the election was invalid.
Now Brazil has been violently jolted by the realities of its deeply divided populace. Sunday鈥檚 attack is seen as the gravest threat to Brazilian institutions since its return to democracy in the 1980s, and the country faces the daunting question of how to move forward from here.
Why We Wrote This
The storming of Brazil鈥檚 state institutions by those unhappy with election results appears to mimic the Jan. 6 insurrection in the U.S. It is a wake-up call for Brazilian leadership about the perils of polarization.
But unlike the U.S. two years ago, Brazil has already sworn in its new president. And the swift reaction of the federal government, from condemning the attacks to suspending the pro-Bolsonaro governor of Bras铆lia for 90 days while an investigation takes place into security failings in the capital, sends a clear message that President Lula won鈥檛 let the destruction and attacks on democracy slide. In some ways, the aftermath shows that Brazil鈥檚 democracy itself may be sturdier than previously understood.
鈥淏razil鈥檚 democracy has proven it鈥檚 stronger than people thought,鈥� says Thomas Trebat, director of Columbia University鈥檚 Global Center in Rio de Janeiro, who points to a stable tradition of free press, an independent Congress and Supreme Court, and a vibrant civil society. 鈥淵ou can see the repudiation of the rioters; you can see the strength of those institutions. But it鈥檚 not invulnerable, and I think the government is going to have to be very vigilant,鈥� he says, underscoring Brazil鈥檚 history of military dictatorships.听
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鈥淔anatical fascists鈥�
President Lula arrived to evaluate the damage in Bras铆lia Sunday night. 鈥淭hese vandals, who we could call ... fanatical fascists, did what has never been done in the history of this country,鈥� he said in a press conference. 鈥淎ll these people who did this will be found and they will be punished.鈥�
Some 1,500 protesters 鈥� many clad in the vibrant yellow and green colors of the Brazilian flag 鈥� have been detained since Sunday, and capital police are under the microscope for their inability to halt the rioting in Bras铆lia.
Lula, as he is commonly called, has a long track record as an established politician and leader; this is his third, nonconsecutive term as president of Brazil. But his reputation was tarnished by corruption scandals under previous administrations, and after Sunday鈥檚 riots, some see an even steeper uphill battle to govern.
The protests pose a 鈥渟inister threat鈥� to Brazil鈥檚 democracy, says Robert Muggah, co-founder of the Igarap茅 Institute, a Brazilian think tank focused on security and development. 鈥淲hile it may unify parts of society against the radical fringe, it could also deepen polarization in this already bitterly divided country. Many ... feel emboldened by their assault on the capital.鈥�
鈥淭he parallels between this week鈥檚 violent protests in Brazil and the U.S. insurrection two years ago are by design not default,鈥� Dr. Muggah says. 鈥淭he targeting of the National Congress, Supreme Court, and presidential palace was not spontaneous. ... Conspiratorial plots and appeals for a military coup [have] been circulating on far-right social media channels for months.鈥�
Yet the attack could end up consolidating President Lula鈥檚 authority in the eyes of the populace, argues Andre Pagliarini, assistant professor of history and Brazil expert at Hampden-Sydney College in Virginia. 鈥淚 see this as a moment of moral rallying for this government. It underscores Lula鈥檚 legitimacy, which could be politically powerful: He clearly won the election. He鈥檚 clearly the rightful leader. It鈥檚 in his rights to defend democratic order,鈥� he says. 鈥淭his gives the government a real leg to stand on in governing the next few days, weeks, and months ahead.鈥�
One week after Lula鈥檚 inauguration, protesters began gathering Sunday morning on the lawns in front of Congress and down the central avenue that鈥檚 flanked by government ministries and national monuments in Bras铆lia. By roughly 3:30 p.m. local time, initial reports of the invasion broke on Brazilian news sites, but it took about three hours for security forces to retake the three breached buildings, which included the Supreme Court and presidential palace. Inside, angry protesters ransacked spaces where justices discuss cases and decisions, a deeply symbolic target as the court was seen as a thorn in the side of Mr. Bolsonaro. They destroyed priceless artwork by national talent, like modernist painter Emiliano di Cavalcanti and sculptor Bruno Jorge, and set off sprinkler systems.
鈥淲e need to reestablish order after this fraudulent election,鈥� one demonstrator named Lima, a young production engineer, told AFP news agency Sunday. 鈥淚鈥檓 here for history, for my daughters,鈥� she said.
Global condemnation
International leaders have condemned the attacks, including U.S. President Joe Biden, Mexican President Andr茅s Manuel L贸pez Obrador, and Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, who issued a joint statement Monday saying they 鈥渟tand with Brazil as it safeguards its democratic institutions.鈥�
Although Sunday鈥檚 chaos was largely contained to the capital, tent cities have popped up across the country since the election, made up of Brazilians convinced the presidential vote was stolen. Mr. Bolsonaro, who lost by just 2 percentage points on Oct. 30 last year, left Brazil in late December, just days before the transition of presidential power. He is believed to be in Florida and denounced yesterday鈥檚 attacks on Twitter, denying any responsibility.
For many Brazilians, Sunday鈥檚 attack is a wake-up call for more functional governance needed ahead. 鈥淔or Brazil to see better days, everyone needs to unite,鈥� says Lucas Rocha, a martial arts teacher who voted for Lula. Mr. Rocha is from an impoverished neighborhood in Rio de Janeiro, and says he represents the non-privileged people who wanted a change from Mr. Bolsonaro.
鈥淲e all need to get behind Lula ... so things can get better for Brazilians,鈥� he says. 鈥淏ut it鈥檚 going to be really hard. The left and the right are in a full-out war nowadays. They can鈥檛 speak to each other.鈥�
Anthony Borneo, a jewelry store owner in Rio de Janeiro who abstained from voting last fall sees the violence as a result of the nation鈥檚 deep divides.
鈥淭he right is thrashing things now, like spoiled children, because they lost,鈥� he says. But, 鈥渂efore, the left used to do the same thing. To me, they鈥檙e all the same.鈥�
Lula has recognized the deep divisions he inherited as president, pledging in his acceptance speech to govern for all Brazilians. 鈥淭here are not two Brazils. We are a single country, a single people, a great nation,鈥� he said.
鈥淗e wants to govern for everyone, including those who didn鈥檛 vote for him,鈥� says Clara Morais, a high school senior in Rio de Janeiro, on Monday. But it鈥檚 going to be tough for everyone to make that goal a reality, she says.
鈥淭hese people, who are the minority, want to speak for the majority.鈥�
Ana Ionova contributed reporting from Rio de Janeiro.
