海角大神

From Libya鈥檚 still-active front lines to the halls of power in Tripoli, divisions are emerging among revolutionaries and their leaders even before 鈥渓iberation鈥� has been officially declared.

Muammar Qaddafi may be in hiding, his loyalists clinging to just three primary outposts 鈥� Bani Walid, Mr. Qaddafi's hometown of Sirte, and Sabha in the south. But as Libya鈥檚 new rulers try to consolidate control and bring governance to the disparate forces that ended 42 years of dictatorship, political struggles are already under way.

Those close to the Tripoli military commander Abdelhakim Belhadj are rejecting the bid by the US-educated interim Premier Mahmoud Jibril to put all anti-Qaddafi forces under the control of the National Transitional Council (NTC).

That friction reflects broader divisions between the NTC 鈥� which has ruled rebel-held eastern Libya from Benghazi during the six-month rebellion 鈥� and power centers in Tripoli and western Libya, which are underrepresented.

On the street, fighters often dismiss talk of divisions, still basking in the post-Qaddafi air of celebration. To illustrate unity on Monday night, one officer from Benghazi, who stood guard on a Tripoli thoroughfare, handed his assault rifle to a bystander from Tripoli.

鈥淭here is no difference between Benghazi and Tripoli. All of us are one. All Libya is one,鈥� said the officer, Saleh al-Mabruk, when asked about high-level power struggles.

鈥淚t is my wish to be by this brother from Benghazi,鈥� replied Mohammed al-Arabi, the middle-aged bystander, as he held Mr. Mabruk鈥檚 gun. 鈥淲e are proud to meet you on Libyan free land, which gave thousands of martyrs.鈥�

Divisions at the top

Such warmth, however, no longer defines relations at the top. NTC chief Mustafa Abdel Jalil arrived in Tripoli from Benghazi for the first time on Saturday, and national reconciliation is his top priority.

"All revolutionaries: Avoid violating the sanctity of homes ... avoid harming the women and children of the former regime," said Mr. Jalil, emphasizing unity as he addressed thousands of flag-waving Libyans in his first public appearance in Tripoli. "If anyone is responsible for something, they alone are responsible. Children and wives have nothing to do with it."

Jalil's No. 2, Mr. Jibril, has already come under fire during his week in town.

鈥淸Jibril] is not welcome here. He represents nobody,鈥� said Anees al-Sharif, a spokesman for the Tripoli military council. 鈥淲e just got rid of one dictator. We don鈥檛 want another one.鈥�

Announcing the push to civilian rule late on Saturday, Jibril went out of his way to thank the 鈥渉eroes鈥� of the revolution, who fought 鈥� aided by NATO airstrikes 鈥� to topple the former regime.

Jibril gave special praise to the 鈥渓eaders鈥� of the fighting groups, especially those 鈥渨ho made sure that victory was maintained in the capital, Tripoli.鈥� Talks were continuing with units across the country and were 鈥済oing well,鈥� he said.

鈥淥f course, this is all to implement the legitimacy of the only legitimate state of government in Libya, which is in the NTC,鈥� said Jibril. He also sought to paper over cracks with the military by praising Tripoli commander Belhadj 鈥� a former leader of anti-regime Islamists who was 鈥渞endered鈥� by the CIA and MI6 to Libya in 2004, where he says he was tortured and held for seven years in prison.

Mr. Belhadj is a 鈥渧ery important member鈥� of the High National Security Council, Jibril said when asked about the criticism. 鈥淗e is part of us. We work together, and there is no gap. There is no problem between us. In fact, we work together very well.鈥�

Jibril said that a new transitional government would be announced within 10 days, with representatives from all of Libya, 鈥渋ncluding those under siege that have not been liberated yet.鈥�

Yet he also stated that all armed forces would now fall 鈥渦nder the umbrella of the NTC.鈥�

At the rally Monday, Jalil gave a glimpse of the NTC's political aims. "We seek to establish a state governed by law and welfare," he said. "Sharia [Islamic law] should be the main source of law."

Squabbles on the front lines

Divisions among anti-Qaddafi forces extend far beyond Tripoli, however. In one town on the edge of the western mountains, a dozen anti-Qaddafi fighters killed each other in a skirmish on Sunday, according to Agence France-Presse.

Along the front lines, too, fighters have squabbled while trying to advance on Qaddafi strongholds. At Bani Walid, a bastion of Qaddafi鈥檚 Warfallah tribe 90 miles southeast of Tripoli, units from Tripoli and elsewhere left the front line on Saturday and Sunday nights and returned to the capital.

They left the fight to those who hailed from Bani Walid itself, angry about the behavior of their fellow anti-Qaddafi forces.

One member of the Tripoli Brigade, Abdul Adim Moharam, confirms several reports about the rebel advance into the town late Sunday night.

鈥淎s soon as they got in the houses, the Bani Walid fighters would say, 鈥楾his is my cousin鈥檚 house. Leave it!鈥� and then when we moved on, we would get shot at from there,鈥� says Mr. Moharam about other fighters in his unit who took part.

Another problem that angered the Tripoli fighters was snipers. 鈥淭hey would catch them, and a Bani Walid fighter would say, 鈥楾his is my cousin. I鈥檒l take care of it,鈥� and a few hours later they would be free,鈥� says Moharam, a computer engineer on security duty in the capital.

鈥淭his is not our war, it鈥檚 not organized,鈥� Moharam adds.

Tougher Misurata troops 鈥� who on Monday engaged in artillery and rocket duels on the southeast outskirts of the town 鈥� should lead the assault, Moharam says. 鈥淔or us, we don鈥檛 care [about the divisions]. Soon Libya will all be free.鈥�

'Traitors' blamed for ambush on rebel fighters

Moharam says that he thought the resulting deaths of anti-Qaddafi troops on the northern edge of Bani Walid, perhaps seven, all from Tripoli, were not part of a deliberate ambush.

Others were not so charitable.

鈥淲e believe there are traitors among them,鈥� fighter Mohammed al-Gahdi, from Khoms, told Reuters on Monday. He suspected the lethal ambush was the result of a pro-Qaddafi informant. 鈥淲hen we go into the city we trust no one. We don鈥檛 need Bani Walid fighters. We need bigger weapons and artillery.鈥�

The friction between the fighters did not surprise some Libyans.

鈥淔rom the beginning, the Warfallah [tribe] and Bani Walid were always going to be a complex component of this uprising, not just because the differences in opinion, but because of how extreme the two opinions are: very extremely pro-Qaddafi, very extremely anti-Qaddafi,鈥� says Nizar Mhani, an anti-Qaddafi activist in Tripoli.

鈥淪o it鈥檚 going to be tough, but it鈥檚 going to be the opening to the other places. How Bani Walid goes, Sirte will follow, [and] Sabha will follow quickly,鈥� says Mr. Mhani. 鈥淚t鈥檚 going to be fundamental, but the regime has fallen, so there is an inevitability about which way this is going to go eventually.鈥� There鈥檚 nothing left to fight for.鈥�