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The geopolitics of Seymour Hersh's Osama bin Laden story

Seymour Hersh's counter-narrative of the death of Osama bin Laden has put the White House on the defensive. But is there any truth to it?

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Musadeq Sadeq/AP/File
Afghan newspapers in Kabul, Afghanistan headlining the killing of al-Qaida leader Osama bin Laden, May 3, 2011. The killing of Osama bin Laden, first presented as a moment of national unity by President Obama, has become something else: a political weapon. Mr. Obama's re-election campaign is portraying his risky decision to go after America's top enemy as a defining difference with his Republican presidential opponent, suggesting Mitt Romney might not have had the guts to order a mission that put lives and perhaps a presidency at stake.

Veteran investigative reporter Seymour Hersh thinks the official US account of the death of Osama bin Laden is full of lies. He鈥檚 written a in the London Review of Books detailing what he says is the truth. It鈥檚 quite a story.

According to Mr. Hersh, Mr. bin Laden was a Pakistani captive. A walk-in informer told the United States the Al Qaeda leader was in Pakistan 鈥 he wasn鈥檛 found by a heroic CIA effort. Under US pressure, Pakistan agreed to turn bin Laden over, but insisted on a staged Navy SEAL team 鈥渞aid鈥 to make things look good. In essence, bin Laden was assassinated, as he was the only person shot in the famous Abbottabad compound.

Bin Laden鈥檚 body wasn鈥檛 buried at sea. SEAL members threw parts from their helicopter over the Hindu Kush mountains. The cover story was going to involve OBL鈥檚 death in a fictitious drone strike, but President Obama rendered this inoperative by rushing to announce the terror leader鈥檚 demise a week earlier than US and Pakistani officials had planned.

Hersh doesn鈥檛 seem to have a lot of sources for all this. His story appears to be based largely on interviews with an anonymous retired US intelligence official who was 鈥渒nowledgeable about the initial intelligence about bin Laden鈥檚 presence in Abbottabadl鈥; several US CIA contractors; and Asad Durrani, a retired Pakistani general who was head of the Pakistani intelligence service in the early 1990s.

The White House has pushed back hard, saying Hersh鈥檚 story is false.

鈥淭here are too many inaccuracies and baseless assertions in this piece to fact check each one,鈥 said White House spokesman Ned Price in a statement.

So did many other journalists. The initial reaction in the US media to the account was skeptical, despite Hersh鈥檚 famed past work, such as revelations about the US prisoner abuse at Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq in 2004.

For instance, Vox鈥檚 foreign policy expert Max Fisher a number of inconsistencies and inaccuracies in the story, such as the question of why an elaborate US 鈥渁ttack鈥 was necessary at all.

鈥淭he story simply does not hold up to scrutiny 鈥 and, sadly, is in line with Hersh鈥檚 recent turn away from the investigative reporting that made him famous into unsubstantiated conspiracy theories,鈥 writes Fisher.

That said, Hersh鈥檚 account purports to answer a basic question about the bin Laden raid that the official US government story really doesn鈥檛, at least to the satisfaction of many Americans: What was the terror leader doing in Abbottabad in the first place?

Bin Laden was supposed to be in a cave somewhere along the Afghanistan border, not in a comfortable house in a vacation town, within a mile of a retirement village for military officers. In Hersh鈥檚 story, Mr. Obama鈥檚 initial reaction to the information that bin Laden was in Abbottabad was caution.

鈥淚t was just too crazy,鈥 Hersh writes.

Pakistan has denied knowing that bin Laden was there. But The New York Times, among other publications, has that Pakistan鈥檚 powerful Inter-Services Intelligence agency was aware of his presence.

Hersh claims explicitly what many suspect: the country鈥檚 powerful intelligence arm was controlling him. Bin Laden was a hostage used as a lever to influence Al Qaeda and the Taliban in Afghanistan, the writer claims.

Hersh鈥檚 account also makes Pakistan鈥檚 military seem more competent. In the US government version of the story, a SEAL team penetrated deep into the country, carried out a dangerous and important mission, and escaped successfully 鈥 barely raising an alarm. Their target was the most wanted man in the world, who was (allegedly) hiding right under Pakistan鈥檚 intelligence nose.

Perhaps that鈥檚 why appear to put much more credence in Hersh鈥檚 story than their US counterparts. They鈥檙e emphasizing that Hersh鈥檚 reporting blames Obama for making Pakistan look like a villain in the case.

The B side of this is that Hersh鈥檚 account calls into question more than just Obama鈥檚 veracity. It also questions the honesty of the SEAL members who have written and talked about the raid, and CIA director John Brennan. Mr. Brennan, who was then assistant to the president for homeland security and counterterrorism, on the record following the attack.

鈥淲e didn鈥檛 contact the Pakistanis until after all of our people, all of our aircraft were out of Pakistani airspace,鈥 said Brennan at the time.

What to believe? Are Hersh鈥檚 sources just trying to make Pakistan, or the Pakistani military look better? That鈥檚 certainly possible, though it is not clear whether the named Pakistani retired official, General Durrani, is the main source of Hersh鈥檚 information or simply provided complementary evidence.

The greatest weakness of Hersh鈥檚 piece may be the sheer scale of the deception that would have been necessary for the US to promote a false story of the raid. That鈥檚 the problem with many conspiracy theories: They鈥檙e just too hard to carry out. Dozens of US officials would have had to mislead the public for years. Pakistan, too, would have had to keep the secret 鈥 until now.

And for what? Quartz writer Bobby Ghosh says that while Hersh鈥檚 piece may be sensational it never answers the one question that underlies all conspiracy theories: Why?

鈥淲hy would the Pakistanis ... and the Obama administration have played such an elaborate ruse on the world?鈥 .

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