Ann Coulter wants a wall. But does Trump actually need to deliver?
| WASHINGTON
On Tuesday night, when President Trump gives his State of the Union address, issue 1 will be immigration.
The nationally televised speech comes at a crucial time, fresh off the record-long shutdown and midway through the three-week window Mr. Trump and Congress have carved out to resolve the impasse over government funding and the president鈥檚 demand for $5.7 billion in wall money.
It also comes at an unusual moment of tension between Trump and some of his strongest supporters in right-wing media 鈥� many of whom were irate that he 鈥渃aved鈥� in ending the government shutdown without getting any money for the southern-border wall.
Why We Wrote This
As President Trump prepares to address the nation Tuesday, he鈥檚 under withering attack from once-friendly conservative quarters. Some strategists say the president shouldn鈥檛 underestimate his own power to sell some sort of compromise.
Ann Coulter, the usually pro-Trump provocateur, has been working the talk-show and podcast circuit 鈥� conservative and liberal 鈥� trying to goad Trump into using executive power to build the wall.聽Ms. Coulter, along with other immigration hawks such as Fox Business host Lou Dobbs, were driving forces behind Trump鈥檚 hard-line immigration stance in the first place, and had pushed him toward the shutdown.聽
Speaking on the聽聽on Friday,聽Coulter called Trump 鈥渓azy and incompetent鈥� and a 鈥渓unatic鈥� who could face a primary challenge from the right if he doesn鈥檛 build the wall.聽聽
That same day, Trump said there鈥檚 a 鈥済ood chance鈥� he鈥檒l bypass Congress and declare a聽national emergency聽to fund the wall. 聽
Yet some Republican strategists suggest Trump is wrong to be cowed. While these right-wing firebrands may have played a key role in promoting the Trump brand during the 2016 campaign, most need Trump more than he needs them. It鈥檚 as if Trump still doesn鈥檛 fully appreciate how much power he holds over the GOP base:聽He鈥檚 the president, and conservative pundits are not. 聽
鈥淧resident Trump has enormous latitude to set the agenda for rank-and-file Republicans,鈥� says Scott Jennings, a political adviser in the second Bush White House.
If Trump proposes a compromise for immigration and border security 鈥� and stresses that that鈥檚 what鈥檚 achievable in divided government 鈥� Republicans will follow, says Mr. Jennings, who calls himself a Trump supporter.
What鈥檚 achievable in divided government, by definition, involves a willingness to allow both sides to claim a win. Two years into the Trump presidency, most of his supporters have proved durably loyal to him, and will likely be even more so once he has a 2020 Democratic opponent.
鈥淚 don鈥檛 think they will abandon him,鈥� Jennings says. 鈥淗e鈥檚 their leader.鈥�
Indeed, when asked about the wall at rallies and in focus groups, Trump supporters often say they don鈥檛 take his promise literally, but rather see 鈥渂uild the wall鈥� as more broadly symbolic of a tougher approach toward immigration.
Trump could potentially even be a 鈥淣ixon in China鈥� when it comes to immigration, says GOP pollster Whit Ayres. President Richard Nixon was able to visit China in 1972 because of his strong anti-communist stance.
Immigration has dogged American presidents for decades, but 鈥淧resident Trump could actually get something accomplished,鈥� Mr. Ayres says. 鈥淗e can take risks other presidents couldn鈥檛, and survive politically with his base.鈥�
The question is whether Trump understands that, and is willing to use that power.
In the short term, any immigration compromise could, of course, create bigger cracks in Trump鈥檚 right-wing media 鈥渇irewall.鈥�
But there鈥檚 another way to look at it. High-profile pundits like Coulter are getting rich (or rather, richer) off Trump. Coulter has already published two best-sellers in the Trump era: 鈥淚n Trump We Trust: E Pluribus Awesome!鈥� in 2016; and 鈥淩esistance is Futile! How the Trump-Hating Left Lost Its Collective Mind,鈥� in 2018.
Controversy attracts eyeballs and listeners, and drives book sales and speaking engagements. In Coulter鈥檚聽聽with conservative talk radio host Howie Carr about her blow-up with Trump, both host and guest reference her books early and often.
鈥淪he is an industry,鈥� says GOP strategist and Trump critic Rick Tyler.
That makes Coulter a kind of female version of Trump. Be outrageous, attract attention, drive a narrative: Coulter loves Trump, Coulter bucks Trump, Coulter calls Trump a wimp. The next installment will almost surely be 鈥淐oulter and Trump make up.鈥�
鈥淛ust keep your promise,聽and I鈥檓 right back in his camp,鈥� she聽聽on Jan. 25 on his HBO show.
The difference, of course, is that Coulter isn鈥檛 president of the United States. Neither is talk radio host Rush Limbaugh, who聽聽to 鈥渄o the right thing鈥� back in December, and allow the government to shut down if Congress didn鈥檛 give him wall money.
鈥淟imbaugh would be the first to tell you that he doesn鈥檛 move people to the polls,鈥� says Mr. Tyler. 鈥淭hat鈥檚 not his job. He doesn鈥檛 sit behind the microphone every day and try to move Republicans to vote conservative. He goes out and entertains people.鈥�
For Trump, having allowed the government to partially shut down for 35 days after he rejected a congressional compromise to keep it open, the stakes have only gotten higher.
If Trump goes the national emergency route to build the wall, bypassing Congress鈥檚 鈥減ower of the purse,鈥� that will ignite a new controversy. The maneuver would likely wind up in court, and split Republicans.
Senate majority leader Mitch McConnell is eager to avoid both another shutdown and a national emergency. Many Republicans argue that true conservatism means not pushing the boundaries of presidential power, which risks setting a precedent for the next Democratic president.
Senator McConnell聽聽Trump last week against an emergency declaration. But key Trump ally Sen. Lindsey Graham (R) of South Carolina has been pressuring in the opposite direction.
鈥淚f White House and Congress fail to reach a deal then President聽must act through emergency powers to build wall/barrier,鈥� Senator Graham聽聽last week.
Going forward, some suggest Trump could look to Republican President Ronald Reagan and the 1983 Social Security reform as聽. Form a bipartisan commission (after going it alone fails), then take its compromise plan and sit down with the Democratic House speaker (back then, Tip O鈥橬eill) to finish the deal.
鈥淏oth could claim victory,鈥� says Tyler. 鈥淲ith successful presidents, that鈥檚 the way it鈥檚 always been done.鈥�
