Bridging the racial divide: One step forward or two steps back?
| Washington
When Sen. Cory Booker, the Democrat from New Jersey, heard that his Republican colleague Tim Scott of South Carolina was meeting with President Trump to discuss racial issues in the wake of last month鈥檚 violence in Charlottesville, his initial reaction was: 鈥淕od bless him for even trying.鈥�
Like many in the African-American community, Senators Booker and Scott were both deeply offended by Mr. Trump鈥檚 statements casting blame on both sides for the tragic events that led to the death of one woman, and appearing to put white supremacists on an equal moral footing with those who oppose them. Mr. Scott, the only black Republican in the Senate 鈥� and a Trump supporter during the general election campaign 鈥� publicly accused the president of having compromised his 鈥渕oral authority.鈥�
So when Scott agreed to meet with Trump at the White House this week to talk through all this, Booker was admiring but not particularly hopeful. Still, he understood Scott鈥檚 motivation: 鈥淭he more you know people who are different than you, the more that does ignite the capacity for empathy and compassion.鈥�
It's true that personal connections have always been a powerful force in Washington. Friendships across the aisle can help pave the way for progress on some of the thorniest issues. For a president living in the White House 鈥渂ubble,鈥� having a diversity of voices around can be critical.
But in the current highly charged, whipsaw political environment, achieving a meaningful shift in perspective 鈥撀爋r even dialogue 鈥撀爋n an issue as sensitive and emotional as race seems harder than ever. Indeed, a CBS News poll last month showed that while 82 percent of Democrats disapproved of the president鈥檚 response to Charlottesville, 67 percent of Republicans approved of it. Likewise, when a Fox News poll asked if Trump 鈥渞espects racial minorities,鈥� 82 percent of Republicans said yes; 92 percent of Democrats said no.
That divide might help explain why Trump would 鈥撀燼ll in a matter of days 鈥撀爃old a much-publicized meeting with Scott, sign a joint resolution of Congress condemning the violence in Charlottesville and white supremacists in general, and then double down on his original comments that 鈥渂oth sides鈥� were to blame. As a result, an opportunity for greater understanding appeared to lead instead to more controversy.
On Wednesday, Scott came away from his Oval Office meeting 鈥渆ncouraged鈥� by the president鈥檚 鈥渁ttentive鈥� listening. He told reporters he believed the president 鈥済ot鈥� his point that there can be no equivalence between white supremacists, with their centuries-long history of horrific treatment of minorities in this country, and today鈥檚 鈥渁ntifa鈥� 鈥� the violent anti-fascists confronting hate groups.
But that sense of connection would prove short-lived, as Trump just a day later reiterated his original comments, saying there are 鈥渂ad dudes on the other side.鈥� Since Charlottesville, Trump told reporters Thursday, 鈥淎 lot of people are saying 鈥撀爄n fact a lot of people have actually written, 鈥楪ee Trump might have a point.鈥� I said, you got some very bad people on the other side also, which is true.鈥�
鈥淩ome wasn鈥檛 built in a day, and to expect the president鈥檚 rhetoric to change based on one 30-minute conversation is unrealistic,鈥� Scott鈥檚 office responded in a statement. His spokesperson said the senator was still pleased with the president鈥檚 commitment to diversifying his staff and supporting the senator鈥檚 鈥淥pportunity Act,鈥� which seeks to help poor and minority communities.
Scott's perspective 聽
During his meeting with the president, Scott made a point of sharing his personal story. As he said on CBS鈥檚 鈥淔ace the Nation鈥� last month, the president needs to have a 鈥減ersonal connection to the painful history of racism and bigotry in this country.鈥�
Scott鈥檚 story is compelling. He and his siblings grew up poor in North Charleston, S.C., raised by a strong single mom who worked 16-hour days as a nurse鈥檚 assistant.
For a time, they lived with her parents in a tiny rental house on a dirt road. His grandfather, who never learned to read, picked cotton most of his life. When Scott drove him to vote for President Obama in 2008, he said he had tears in his eyes.
The young Scott nearly flunked out of high school, but was mentored by the owner of a Chick-fil-A franchise next to the movie theater where he worked. The owner hammered home the value of hard work and personal discipline.聽After college, Scott got into the insurance and real estate businesses.
Yet even now, after more than two decades in politics, he routinely gets stopped by law enforcement 鈥撀燼 point he shared with Trump.
In a series of stirring Senate speeches on race in 2016, Scott described being pulled over by police seven times in one year, and being denied entry into congressional buildings even while wearing his member鈥檚 pin on his lapel.
鈥淭he officer looked at me with a little attitude and said, 鈥楾he pin, I know. You, I don鈥檛. Show me your ID,鈥� 鈥� he said.
But while a story like this is undeniably powerful, many remain skeptical of its power to change Trump鈥檚 overall approach to racial issues.
鈥淚 don鈥檛 think it ever hurts for somebody to speak to the president about important issues like this,鈥� says Ron Lester, a veteran Democratic pollster and an African-American. But he rejects the idea that the president鈥檚 divisive remarks can simply be attributed to a lack of contact with minorities. Trump 鈥渒nows what he鈥檚 doing. He knows who he鈥檚 playing to鈥� in his base of white supporters.
鈥淎nybody who grows up in Queens and lives in New York for 70 years knows a lot of black people, knows a lot of Latino people, knows a lot of gay people,鈥� Mr. Lester points out.
Knowing versus understanding
Over the years, Trump has counted a number of black celebrities and star athletes as his friends, from basketball talent Dennis Rodman, to boxing promoter Don King and hip-hop mogul Russell Simmons (although in 2015, Mr. Simmons broke with then-candidate Trump over his so-called Muslim ban).聽The president鈥檚 housing secretary, Ben Carson, is African-American, as is White House aide Omarosa Manigault.
But while the president may have had plenty of contact with African-Americans over the years, that鈥檚 not the same as understanding them or their history. 鈥淭here鈥檚 a difference between knowing black people and socializing with them. I think the president socializes with a lot of black people, but I don鈥檛 think they are his true friends,鈥� says Raynard Jackson, a Republican consultant and head of a political action committee that aims to bring more African-Americans into the GOP.
Mr. Jackson says it鈥檚 unfair that Trump has been labeled a racist. The president has simply 鈥渕ade the sin that most leaders made 鈥� they discounted a whole body of people鈥檚 feelings.鈥�
Regardless of how the president鈥檚 words come out or are meant, they are interpreted based on the experiences of those who hear them. 鈥淚n his mind,鈥� says Jackson, the president 鈥渕ay not have said anything he thought was offensive. But to a whole group of black people, they are.鈥�
More minority staff needed聽
What Trump needs, says Jackson, is closer relationships with African-Americans who will give him honest, hard-to-hear feedback.
Scott says he discussed with the president the importance of 鈥渄iversifying those in the echo chamber鈥� by adding those who may 鈥渢hink differently鈥� 鈥� particularly by hiring more minority staff members.
After all, small steps can sometimes lead to bigger changes. Scott often points to his own election to the US House from a district that heard the first shots of the Civil War 鈥撀燼nd where he defeated the son of the late Sen. Strom Thurmond, a one-time segregationist 鈥撀燼s first-hand evidence that change is possible.
As for restoring the president鈥檚 moral authority, that 鈥渨ill be based on America鈥檚 reaction," Scott says. "And it will take time.鈥�
