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The longer President Trump is in office, the more Cat Deakins worries about the future 鈥� for herself and her children.

With every executive order and cabinet appointment, she envisions another scenario: an America that rejects immigrants, that succumbs to climate change, that erupts in war.

鈥淚t鈥檚 scary to me that [people within the administration] are promoting this idea of, 鈥榃e are at war with Islam.鈥� That鈥檚 the kind of thinking that leads to World War III," says Ms. Deakins, a cinematographer in Los Angeles. 鈥淚 don鈥檛 think we can be alarmed enough.鈥�

It鈥檚 a strain of thought that鈥檚 begun to take root in leftist narratives as the Trump administration enters its second month. The idea is that since taking office, the president has led the nation 鈥� and continues to lead it 鈥� down a path that will culminate in a dictatorship, a police state, or both. As Slate columnist Michelle Goldman writes, 鈥淭o talk about Trump as understates the crisis.鈥�

To some degree, such statements reflect the pendulum swing of political power; conservatives made similar claims during former President Barack Obama's tenure. And observers warn against reacting in an apocalyptic way to policies that are merely partisan.

Still, Mr. Trump is unpredictable, a president unprecedented in modern times, who has already used an expanded set of executive powers to pursue his agenda 鈥� one that many see as threatening widely held democratic principles.

鈥淭here is legitimate basis for concern,鈥� says John Pitney Jr., a professor of politics at Claremont McKenna College in Claremont, Calif. 鈥淲hile apocalyptic rhetoric might be exaggerated, there have been real invasions of civil liberties, deep threats to civil rights. It鈥檚 perfectly appropriate to be watchful and wary.鈥�

A sense of alarm

Sinister talk and ominous rumors are not new to American politics 鈥� from Ronald Reagan鈥檚 supposed propensity with the Soviet Union to the Clintons鈥� in the death of White House attorney Vince Foster.

鈥淚t was on the fringes,鈥� Professor Pitney says. 鈥淏ut what we鈥檝e seen since the turn of the century is the mainstreaming of apocalyptic rhetoric.鈥�

During former President Barack Obama's tenure, conservative pundits regularly made apocalyptic pronouncements about his heritage and religion. Some on the far right predicted his presidency would transform America into an Islamist or communist state.

Those prophecies proved groundless 鈥� and fed into a dangerous cycle of partisan antipathy, political analysts say.聽

Today, the sense of alarm has trickled down into the lives of some Americans who face a constant barrage of headlines and disputes, especially on social media.

Olaf Wolden, a documentary filmmaker in New York City, says he worries about Trump鈥檚 strained relationship with the press and the truth. 鈥淲hen information doesn鈥檛 fit the narrative he needs, he attacks it,鈥� Mr. Wolden says. 鈥淭hat鈥檚 a classic move out of the playbook of [Joseph] Stalin or [Augusto] Pinochet.鈥�

Others, like Deakins, are troubled by the upheaval in the administration鈥檚 early days, such as the resignation of National Security Adviser Michael Flynn. 鈥淚t鈥檚 horrifying to watch it roll out,鈥� she says.

Still others point to the president鈥檚 attitude toward immigrants, which they say stokes racism and xenophobia.

鈥淏uilding a border wall, scapegoating immigrants as one of the major problems for folks here in America 鈥� that is a threat to democracy," says Alex Montances, an advocate for the rights of Filipino migrants in Long Beach, Calif.

That said, a line must be drawn between critiques of poorly crafted policies and apocalyptic concerns, says Peter Berkowitz, an expert on US conservatism and progressivism at Stanford University鈥檚 Hoover Institution.

There鈥檚 a difference between those who harshly criticized Mr. Obama because they saw the Affordable Care Act as government overreach and those who cast him as un-American and a tyrant based on false allegations about his race or religion, notes Barbara Perry, director of presidential studies at the University of Virginia鈥檚 Miller Center. (Editor's note: This paragraph has been updated to provide the correct attribution.)

Likewise, Professor Berkowitz adds, a distinction must be made between those who are horrified by Trump鈥檚 immigration policy 鈥� like his border wall and temporary ban on refugees from seven Muslim-majority countries 鈥� and those who say that the US is now a fascist state.

Journalists remain free to cover the news as they see fit, the Supreme Court to block executive orders it deems unconstitutional, and Congress to wrangle over laws they disagree about, he points out.

鈥淪ome of Trump鈥檚 rhetoric provides reason for heightened concern,鈥� Berkowitz says. 鈥淭hat we are already fascistic 鈥� none of the evidence I see brought forward suggests that.鈥�

Not being judicious in one's criticism risks losing credibility, says Erik Fogg, co-author of the 2015 book, 鈥淲edged: How You Became a Tool of the Partisan Political Establishment, and How to Start Thinking for Yourself Again.鈥�

"Regardless of what party you come from 鈥� but in particular for the left right now 鈥� the key is to be very, very selective about where they raise the alarm," says Mr. Fogg.

A dangerous cycle

A key consequence 鈥� and driving factor 鈥� of apocalyptic rhetoric is political polarization.

In 2004, only about 1 in 10 Americans were consistently liberal or conservative across most values, . By 2014, the figure had doubled. The same year, Pew found that 27 percent of Democrats saw the Republican Party as 鈥渁 threat to the nation鈥檚 well-being.鈥� Thirty-six percent of Republicans said the same of the Democratic Party.

Such mistrust has paved the way for more extreme partisanship.

In one of countless tirades against the former president, conservative radio host Rush Limbaugh 鈥� whose program remains one of the most popular talk shows on the air today 鈥� in 2012 for saying that the rich often have help earning their wealth.

鈥淏arack Obama is trying to dismantle, brick by brick, the American dream,鈥� Mr. Limbaugh said. 鈥淭his is what we have as a president: A radical ideologue, a ruthless politician who despises the country and the way it was founded and the way in which it became great.鈥�

Progressive pundits have since made their own proclamations of Trump鈥檚 evil intentions.

In January, Salon politics writer Chauncey DeVega of mobilizing 鈥渁nti-black and anti-brown animus for political gain鈥� and blamed 鈥渙bsolete journalistic norms of 鈥榝airness,鈥� 鈥榖alance,鈥� and 鈥榦bjectivity鈥� 鈥� for failing to call out Trump鈥檚 fascism.

鈥淒onald Trump and his supporters represent the tyranny of minority opinion,鈥� Mr. DeVega wrote. 鈥淐onsequently, they are the worst example of the will, spirit and character of the American people.鈥�

鈥淵ou have extremity on both sides of the spectrum. That鈥檚 what leads to apocalyptic thoughts about politics,鈥� says Professor Perry of the University of Virginia. 鈥淏ut there are probably apocalyptic thoughts that lead to polarization. It鈥檚 all rather cyclical.鈥�

By making caricature monsters of the other side, 鈥測ou make reconciliation harder and harder,鈥� says Fogg, the author. And it also could affect both parties' ability to see the real threat, he adds.

"You can鈥檛 write off the other team鈥檚 apocalyptic ideas as pure hysteria and embrace our own, and then when it doesn鈥檛 come to pass let it go," he says. "I think the trick is going to be ... figure out the real threat, and counter that. If we don鈥檛, we鈥檒l be scattered."