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Can Trump and the press get along?

The press and past presidents have had an adversarial but mutually beneficial relationship. Trump could reset the media landscape.

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Chris Albert/CBSNews/60MINUTES via AP
In this image released by CBS News, 60 MINUTES Correspondent Lesley Stahl interviews President-elect Donald J. Trump at his home, Friday, Nov. 11, 2016, in New York in his first post-election interview for television.

One probable outcome of the Donald Trump administration already seems clear: It鈥檚 likely to redefine the relationship between the press and the US presidency.

Tweet by tweet, candidate and President-elect Trump has been building his own direct connection to the nation鈥檚 voters. He鈥檚 a master at using the media as a foil, mocking it as failing, inaccurate, and out of touch. To Trump, reporters are both a conduit and a prop. It鈥檚 no accident they were penned up on the floor of his rallies like zoo exhibits.

For mainstream media organizations, this treatment represents a threat and an opportunity. They鈥檙e under tremendous business stress as Facebook and Google take away their old advertising dollars. But Trump is a huge, important subject. He brings in a flood of clicks and viewers. His policy proposals 鈥 build a wall, ban Muslim entry, bring back waterboards 鈥 would change America鈥檚 essence. To many journalists he鈥檚 a reminder of why they鈥檙e journalists in the first place.

These trends will collide in the White House Briefing Room on Jan. 21. (If President Trump doesn鈥檛 kick the press out of the West Wing and end press conferences, that is.) How the media handle the challenge of Trump 鈥 and vice versa 鈥 could well determine what the media landscape will look like four years hence.

鈥淭rump doesn鈥檛 play by the old rules and neither should the media/journalists. It is a different time and requires a very different approach,鈥 ABC News chief political analyst Matthew Dowd wrote Monday in a tweet widely read in official Washington.

Presidents and the press have had fraught relations since the beginning of the US republic, of course. The current structure for their dealings is shaped by a hundred years of experience. It was President Andrew Johnson, the 17th chief executive, who gave the first exclusive newspaper interview. Grover Cleveland was the first to take pity on reporters clustered outside his door and give them a table and a bit of space to work inside the Executive Mansion. Franklin Delano Roosevelt perfected the press conference, gathering reporters in his office and charming them with the savoir faire of a professional entertainer.

Some presidents, irritated by leaks and coverage they deemed negative, have tried to limit press access and even targeted reporters with the power of the US government. , in the name of national security, wiretapped the home phones of several Washington reporters, including Robert S. Allen, a former bureau chief of 海角大神. President Richard Nixon鈥檚 animus toward the press was legendary. The Watergate scandal mushroomed from Nixon鈥檚 formation of a special unit, nicknamed the to plug leaks of secrets such as the Pentagon Papers.

鈥淲ith almost every president I鈥檝e studied, from Theodore Roosevelt onward, there have been concerns that the president is using his power to stifle or manipulate the press,鈥 says Rutgers historian David Greenberg, who鈥檚 written an award-winning history of the process, 鈥淩epublic of Spin.鈥

鈥淓ven under Obama, you鈥檝e had people say he鈥檚 worse (more secretive, more inaccessible) than his predecessors, which only shows how time flies, because [George W.] Bush was just as bad,鈥 Professor Greenberg continues in an email.

Treatment of the press

That said, Trump鈥檚 treatment of the press is at the extreme end of this continuum, and needs to be condemned on its own terms, Greenberg says.

First, there鈥檚 the targeting of reporters by name. Trump tweets out his animus for particular journalists and even condemns them from the podium at his rallies. In some cases the perceived offense is just the press doing its job. Trump 聽to 鈥渂e quiet鈥 when she tried to ask a follow-up question at a press conference in July and accused her of wanting to 鈥渟ave鈥 Hillary Clinton.

Second is his open contempt for media institutions. 鈥淔ailing鈥 is one of his favorite modifiers for any outlet that annoys him, from CNN to The New York Times. It is not enough that he label them wrong. He seems to feel he must try to destroy them as well.

Last is the way he circumvents them. He uses his own social media feeds, as well as connections to such supportive outlets as Breitbart News, to create, essentially, his own media conglomerate. This is what presidents have long wanted, of course 鈥 freedom from the press鈥檚 discordant notes.

But Trump has used his media network to promote some false information. Fact-checkers have worked overtime to disprove such Trump contentions as the assertion that he was against the Iraq War prior to the 2003 invasion, or that there are 3 million criminal immigrants in the US illegally. Trump keeps using these 鈥渇acts鈥 anyway 鈥 because he can.

The Pulitzer-winning fact-checking site Politifact deemed 34 percent of the during the presidential campaign to be 鈥渇alse,鈥 and 17 percent to be 鈥減ants on fire,鈥 meaning blatantly false.

鈥淚n some ways I don鈥檛 think [the incoming Trump administration] wants to interact with the institutional press, which is a huge problem,鈥 says Roy Gutterman, director of the Tully Center for Free Speech at Syracuse University in New York. 鈥淥ur independent press is an integral part of our democracy, it has been since the beginning of our country, and the public really needs to know what鈥檚 going on.鈥

Will there be press conferences?

The question is how the press and the presidency will interact in what some are calling the 鈥減ost-truth鈥 age, when fake news snakes easily into Facebook feeds and the press鈥檚 ability to serve as a watchdog has been reduced from pit bull-level to that of a yapping toy poodle.

It seems a given that Trump will interact with the media far differently than does President Obama. He鈥檒l likely issue pronouncements, announce appointments, and otherwise promote policies via Twitter feed, foreclosing follow-up questions.

Will he bother to hold press conferences? After all, the establishment media that gathers at these rituals is greatly reduced in influence and numbers. Press-conference queries are often pointed. (You can translate most of them into 鈥淐ritics say you鈥檙e a jerk and wrong about X. What鈥檚 your response?鈥)

Trump does appear to still want the establishment media imprimatur. He traveled to The New York Times for an editorial board meeting this week, after all. But as his administration progresses, and the questions get harder and the problems crop up and mistakes are made, the temptation to hide behind @realDonaldTrump will become ever greater. Its audience is wide, and its waters pacific.

鈥淧eople love social media,鈥 says Professor Gutterman, 鈥渂ut it鈥檚 not the same as having critical viewpoints or legitimate, in depth institutional coverage of public policy."

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