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Do Hillary and Jeb have an 'unfavorable' problem? Yes, but in different ways.

Jeb Bush and Hillary Clinton are strongly positioned to win their party鈥檚 presidential nomination. But polls show they both have high 鈥榰nfavorable鈥 ratings.

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Mark Reis/The Gazette/AP
Jeb Bush talks with business leaders and retired military April 7, 2015 at an International House of Pancakes restaurant in Colorado Springs, Colo.

For Hillary Rodham Clinton, fame has this down side: 聽Even if lots of people like her, many others 诲辞苍鈥檛 care for her so much.

Jeb Bush, another presidential aspirant, has a similar problem on the Republican side 鈥 only more so.

In polling jargon, it鈥檚 the 鈥渦nfavorables鈥 problem.

Mrs. Clinton is announcing her candidacy today, yet she鈥檚 hardly a fresh face to the public. 聽Most Americans already have an opinion of the former secretary of State and first lady.

Some 49 percent of Americans feel favorably about Clinton, but 46 percent had unfavorable views and only 4 percent felt undecided, according to a March ABC News/Washington Post poll. Although different polls give a range of results, that one closely matches the average of recent polling on Clinton, as tracked by

For Mr. Bush, the challenge of negative opinion is . The recent polling average is just 33 percent favorable to 49 percent unfavorable. That leaves about 18 percent of Americans undecided about the former Florida governor, who has not yet made his candidacy official.

Perhaps no two people have a stronger shot at getting their party鈥檚 nomination and waging viable campaigns for the White House, but for each an important task will be to woo at least some of the voters who are currently skeptical of them or their political families.

The 鈥渄ynasty鈥 factor has helped put them where they are, but it鈥檚 also a hurdle to be overcome.

Where Clinton currently appears hard to assail in her quest for the Democratic nomination, for Mr. Bush the challenge starts within his own party. The questions are, essentially, is he conservative enough and do Republicans want another Bush at the top of their ticket.

Last month, when Bush made his first visit to New Hampshire in the mode of publicly considering a 2016 run, it was an initial step toward appealing for support in that early-primary state.

He showed he cared about fellow party members, participating in a Manchester roundtable that helped to raise $5,400 per couple for Rep. Frank Guinta.

Then he went to a Dover house party hosted by Fergus Cullen, a former chairman of the New Hampshire Republican Party who hasn鈥檛 yet committed to backing any particular candidate.

The crowd was modest, in the dozens, but it drew the kind of Republicans whose opinions can influence other primary voters. Many of them were ready to listen to Bush but not to endorse him in a hurry.

Chris Ager of Amherst, NH, said that as a former school board chairman he鈥檚 concerned about how the Common Core was pushed on states by the Obama administration. Bush supported Common Core in Florida.

By the end of the night, Mr. Ager came away impressed with Bush: 鈥淚 got a chance to shake his hand. He has that intangible thing I think that a president has to have.鈥

On education, Ager still wonders, 鈥淚s he going to try to impose his ideas on us, or is he going to let us do what we think is better?... What worked for him in Florida might not work for us.鈥

While Bush is making his pitch, Clinton has already closed the deal with legions of Democrats.

Nationwide, an impressive 86 percent of Democratic-primary voters say they could support her for the nomination, to only 13 percent saying they could not, in a recent That鈥檚 leagues ahead of other potential Democratic candidates, and a stark contrast with Bush, who garners 49 percent in the 鈥渃ould support鈥 camp and 42 percent who 鈥渃ould not support鈥 among Republican-primary voters.

On the day before Bush鈥檚 New Hampshire foray, a crowd of 鈥淩eady for Hillary鈥 supporters filled several levels of a Washington, D.C., nightclub for a fund-raising event.

Andy Thorne, an attendee at the event who works at the firm Climate Advisers, said he鈥檚 supporting her because 鈥淚鈥檓 terrified about what the Republicans might do to the environment鈥. I appreciate the Clinton brand of progressivism mixed with pragmatism.鈥

Of course, a sizable number of Democrats would like to field a different nominee, maybe one focused more solely on the progressive or liberal policy platform. Some Democratic activists are using 鈥淩eady for Boldness鈥 slogan to try to prod Clinton leftward in her positions.

A spate of media coverage about her controversial use of a private email account as secretary of State hasn鈥檛 helped her image, either. Clinton鈥檚 overall 鈥渦nfavorable鈥 ratings from Americans have edged up lately.

Her campaign will be working to help Clinton, after more than two decades living in the elite world of the Washington-Manhattan corridor, come off as relatable and revitalized. In the process, she鈥檒l need to fend off attacks from conservatives on her record as Obama鈥檚 secretary of State and as a US senator from New York.

The 鈥渇amily connections鈥 issue may cut against Bush more than Clinton. A 海角大神 Science Monitor cover story on political 鈥渄ynasties鈥 noted that in one January poll, registered voters tended, if anything, to see the presidencies of Bush鈥檚 father and brother as a weighing against support for Jeb.

In contrast, 24 percent of registered voters said Bill Clinton鈥檚 presidency made them more likely to support Hillary, versus 16 percent who said it made them less likely, in that same ABC News/Washington Post poll.

A bright spot for Bush may be that he鈥檚 more of a blank slate to voters than Clinton, even if his family is familiar. But he has a hill to climb to change voters in the 鈥渦nfavorable鈥 or 鈥渘o opinion鈥 camps toward a more positive view.

Maybe two hills to climb: first with the Republican base who鈥檒l vote in the primaries, and then in the general election.

In his recent New Hampshire foray, his pitch was that he鈥檚 both conservative and 鈥 in an implicit dig at rivals to the right 鈥 also electable. He told the house-party crowd that his experience in Florida shows, 鈥淵ou can be a conservative, you can do it with joy in your heart 鈥 and you can win in a purple state.鈥

And he spoke of the need to broaden his party鈥檚 appeal: 聽鈥淲e have to reach out to people from every walk of life, not with a divisive message but one that is unified, one that says everybody should have a chance to rise up.鈥

For now, polls of Republican primary voters put Bush at or near the front of the pack, but with plenty of potentially formidable competition.

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