Why Iran is poised to make a comeback ... as a US priority
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Howard LaFranchi Staff writer
Iran 鈥� that burr under the saddle of U.S. presidents and presidential aspirants alike since 1979 鈥� may not have much of an irritating presence in this year鈥檚 presidential campaign.
Indeed, with the focus on big domestic issues, including the handling of the coronavirus pandemic, no foreign policy topic is getting much traction.
But that doesn鈥檛 mean Iran is altogether absent, or that it鈥檚 not poised to come roaring back no matter who takes office in January. It could even happen sooner.
Why We Wrote This
A Biden administration would likely return the U.S. to a multilateral foreign policy, rejoining the Iran nuclear deal included. But that doesn鈥檛 mean it wouldn鈥檛 utilize leverage built up under President Trump.
Several indicators suggest Iran could soon return to a place of privilege on the U.S. foreign policy agenda. These include the expiration of an international arms embargo on Iran over the weekend, recent advances in Iran鈥檚 nuclear program despite President Donald Trump鈥檚 sanctions-based 鈥渕aximum pressure campaign,鈥� and prospects under a potential Joe Biden presidency for the United States to return to the multilateral 2015 Iran nuclear deal.
But with a difference.
鈥淭here are a number of reasons to think Iran is poised to come back鈥� to the agenda once the election is over, 鈥渂ut it鈥檚 not going to be the same debate, with the same focus on the nuclear issue to the exclusion of everything else, that we had five years ago,鈥� says Alex Vatanka, director of the Iran Program at the Middle East Institute (MEI) in Washington.
For starters, 鈥渢he big change looking over the last five years is that Iran has become so weak that it has become much easier for the Chinese 鈥� and the Russians 鈥� to use the Iranians as a pawn to undermine U.S. interests,鈥� he says.
At the same time, the nuclear issue, while critical, no longer has a monopoly on what makes Iran a looming foreign policy concern for the U.S. 鈥淣o matter who wins [the U.S. election] in November, the approach will no longer be limited to how many centrifuges [the Iranians] have,鈥� Mr. Vatanka says. 鈥淚t will have to be a much broader conversation,鈥� including Iran鈥檚 regional activities 鈥� what the Trump administration calls 鈥渆xporting revolution.鈥�
On Sunday, a United Nations arms embargo the Trump administration said was critical to limiting Iran鈥檚 mischief in the region expired. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo reiterated the U.S. position that the embargo remains in effect 鈥� and warned that the U.S. will sanction any company that sells arms to Tehran.
The U.S. position sets the stage for a damaging confrontation between the U.S. and some of its closest allies in Europe 鈥� the United Kingdom, France, and Germany 鈥� that remain parties to the formally titled Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, or JCPOA. They insist that the U.S. withdrawal from the deal nullifies any U.S. say over its provisions.
Also promising Iran鈥檚 return to the international agenda is evidence of progress in the country鈥檚 nuclear program. Recent International Atomic Energy Agency reports indicate that Iran鈥檚 鈥渂reakout鈥� time to building a nuclear weapon is just three or four months, in part based on estimates of stockpiled fissile material.
That estimate is down sharply from the one-year breakout time experts assessed when President Trump pulled the U.S. out of the JCPOA in 2018.
In addition, last week a dissident group with a good track record exposing secret nuclear R&D facilities inside Iran reported the existence of what it said is a previously undisclosed military facility dedicated to Iran鈥檚 nuclear program. The National Council of Resistance of Iran said in Washington Friday that satellite imagery shows the facility, located in a military zone east of Tehran, has recently been expanded.
Even if Iran has not figured prominently in the presidential campaign, what has been said suggests stark differences between the policies of a second-term President Trump and those of a President Biden.
Moreover, those differences are also an indicator of the broad foreign policy strategies and goals each would pursue.
On Iran as well as on other issues, Mr. Trump would be expected to double down on sanctions and confrontation with allies to advance his foreign policy goals. Those goals for a second Trump administration would include more tightening of the screws on Tehran to force a return to negotiations and achieve what Mr. Trump insists would be a better deal.
Mr. Biden, on the other hand, would likely return the U.S. to a multilateral route, seeking to quickly repair relations with key allies in an effort to address international challenges including the COVID-19 pandemic and climate change 鈥� and Iran鈥檚 advancing nuclear program.
Indeed, a Biden administration would likely seek to return the U.S. to the JCPOA 鈥� the question would be under what conditions. Some Biden aides have indicated that a Biden administration would condition a U.S. return to the聽nuclear deal on certain adjustments.
Jake Sullivan, a former national security adviser to Mr. Biden when he was vice president, said in an August webinar that a President Biden would follow the same 鈥渇ormula鈥� used by the Obama administration 鈥� which he described as 鈥渓everage diplomacy backed by pressure鈥� 鈥� to coax the Iranians back to the negotiating table.
The goal, he added, would be a new deal with Iran that makes 鈥減rogress, not just on the core nuclear issues but on some of the other challenges as well,鈥� including Iran鈥檚 missile development and support for regional proxies.
Some Republican national security experts say a Biden administration would be wise to use the 鈥渓everage鈥� Mr. Trump鈥檚 policies have built up on a number of key foreign policy issues, including Iran.
Through frequent recourse to sanctions and threats to end security guarantees, 鈥淭rump has generated considerable leverage over adversaries and allies alike,鈥� including Iran, writes Richard Fontaine, former foreign policy adviser to the late Sen. John McCain, in the October issue of Foreign Affairs. 鈥淎 Biden administration would ... do well to use some [of the leverage] Trump would leave behind.鈥�
Nevertheless, many staunch critics of the JCPOA worry that Mr. Biden, looking to quickly rejoin the nuclear deal, would squander the position of strength the Trump administration has developed vis-脿-vis Iran.
鈥淲e must not throw the regime a lifeline [or] return to the policies of appeasement,鈥� says Robert Joseph, who was special envoy for nuclear nonproliferation under President George W. Bush.聽
But others say the Iranians understand that the dire economic and political straits the regime is in mean they would have to compromise with whoever is in the White House in 2021.
鈥淭he Iranians know they鈥檇 have to make some concessions on the regional front, and maybe even on the bad things they are doing at home to their own people,鈥� says MEI鈥檚 Mr. Vatanka. 鈥淎nd that鈥檚 an opportunity.鈥�
