This spring, Europe was comparatively successful at containing the pandemic. But a surge in cases is raising a tough new question: Are Europeans willing to do it again?
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Mark Sappenfield
Last month, President Donald Trump announced the creation of the聽聽to recenter American education on patriotic themes. The idea did not come out of nowhere. Specifically, the president excoriated the聽, a New York Times enterprise that, in its own words, 鈥渁ims to reframe the country鈥檚 history by placing the consequences of slavery and the contributions of black Americans at the very center of our national narrative.鈥 Journalist Nikole Hannah-Jones won a Pulitzer Prize for her work, but critics say the project seeks to replace 1776 with 1619, casting America as a nation founded on oppression, not freedom.
Readers have reached out to me on the topic, and with an election a week away, it鈥檚 a good question to consider. My first thought: Must we choose between 1619 and 1776?
The American Revolution forged a nation whose founding ideals reshaped the world, showing that individual liberties are not only practical but essential. Meanwhile, the consequences of American slavery continue to show the terrible price paid when the universality of those ideals is only partially embraced.
The preamble of the Constitution speaks of the need to form a more perfect union. The test of America has never been perfection but progress toward a more perfect state. In that way, it is possible to choose both 1619 and 1776, knowing one shows the unfulfilled promise of the other 鈥 and the necessity of always pressing onward.聽
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And why we wrote them
( 7 min. read )
This spring, Europe was comparatively successful at containing the pandemic. But a surge in cases is raising a tough new question: Are Europeans willing to do it again?
( 7 min. read )
The past four years point to a growing gap between college-educated and non-college-educated white voters. The divide is a primary driver of how American politics is changing.聽聽
The pandemic has created many challenges, but disability advocates are celebrating one societal shift that has huge benefits for many with accessibility needs: the ability to work from home.聽
( 5 min. read )
Rooftop hydroponics might be a far cry from tilled fields, but the act of farming can still speak to the soul of a displaced people, offering purpose and a sense of pride.
( 7 min. read )
As a Black woman and member of the Newport News police,聽Melissa Morgan crosses three tricky fault lines: race, gender, and policing. Her firsthand observations enlighten and inspire.聽
( 5 min. read )
What does perseverance during a pandemic look like for educators? In Ontario, music teachers are finding ways to hold chorus and band classes 鈥 even when their students can鈥檛 sing or play.聽
( 3 min. read )
In the five months since the killing of George Floyd by police in Minneapolis, 10 U.S. states have held special legislative sessions to adopt police reforms. More than 100 cities have at least debated new police procedures and department budgets. Many are revising their city charters to enable broader changes.
Now, after a summer of protests over racial injustice, Americans are adding their voices at the polls. Scores of elected offices may change hands. In eight states, voters will decide 20 ballot initiatives covering reforms ranging from bans on police use of chokeholds to reallocating police funding toward social services.
For what is perhaps the most essential of public services 鈥 the 18,000 law enforcement agencies in the United States 鈥 policing remains something of an oddity in the American system of government. The need for it and the restraints on it arise from the country鈥檚 founding and the evolution of the U.S. Constitution. But it is also constantly being reshaped by social history.
The earliest forms of law enforcement included units in Boston to monitor the predominantly immigrant labor unions and in the mandatory patrols in the South to enforce slave laws. The slogan 鈥渢o protect and to serve鈥 was minted only in 1955. In recent years the conspicuous use of military hardware by police has prompted critics to echo the framers鈥 warnings against keeping a standing army for domestic purposes.聽Such a local force, Alexander Hamilton argued with foresight,聽could diminish civil and political rights.
The summer鈥檚 deep anguish over police violence against Black people and other minorities flared anew Monday in Philadelphia. Two police officers fired multiple close-range shots at a Black man allegedly wielding a knife. Jarring incidents like this have again prompted calls to defund the police. But polls show reforms cannot be that simplistic.
In August, a Gallup Poll found public confidence in the police had fallen below 50% for the first time since it began tracking it in 1993. Among Black people, only 19% trust police. Despite these low numbers, police remain one of the most popular public institutions among all races.
A July Pew poll found that large majorities favor reforms instead of defunding or disbanding the police. Some 73% said police budgets should remain the same or be increased, while 92% said officers should be trained in nonviolent alternatives to deadly force. Citizens also want more accountability. Two-thirds said police officers should be able to be sued for misconduct or excessive force, something not usually possible under current immunity laws.
The reforms being debated across the country show a society striving to address the causes of violence. This reflects a desire for greater compassion toward 鈥渢he violence of poverty鈥 鈥 mental illness, homelessness, and addiction. 鈥淲e can ban choke-holds. We can ban no-knock warrants. We can ban the use of grand juries in a police shooting,鈥 Isaac Bryan, founding executive director of the UCLA Black Policy Project, told Bloomberg. 鈥淏ut that won鈥檛 ultimately change the material conditions of life for communities that have historically had a lethal relationship with some of our civic institutions 鈥 not in the same way that changing our budget priorities to center on care, healing, opportunity, and justice will.鈥
Through a season of marches and now ballots, Americans continue the long project of uniting a multiethnic society on the ideal of equality under the law. Shifting the culture and practice of policing will take time, requiring more than institutional change. The latest reforms come from Americans reassessing their relationship to each other and toward law enforcement. Both exercises rest on recognizing each individual鈥檚 dignity and worth.
Each weekday, the Monitor includes one clearly labeled religious article offering spiritual insight on contemporary issues, including the news. The publication 鈥 in its various forms 鈥 is produced for anyone who cares about the progress of the human endeavor around the world and seeks news reported with compassion, intelligence, and an essentially constructive lens. For many, that caring has religious roots. For many, it does not. The Monitor has always embraced both audiences. The Monitor is owned by a church 鈥 The First Church of Christ, Scientist, in Boston 鈥 whose founder was concerned with both the state of the world and the quality of available news.
( 3 min. read )
This year in particular, teachers, parents, and students have been puzzling over creating schedules that accommodate all parties鈥 needs. Whatever the situation may be, realizing that God, good, is here to guide each of us brings about fresh inspiration for progress.
Thank you for spending time with us today. Please come back tomorrow for the first in a three-part audio series looking at race in America through the lens of Tulsa, Oklahoma, site of one of the worst racist massacres in U.S. history.
And you can always check out today鈥檚 top news in our First Look 蝉别肠迟颈辞苍.听