海角大神

This US administration has been defined by volatility, which it sees as a strength. The question is whether it sharpens President Trump鈥檚 hand-picked, high-powered subordinates or pushes them past endurance.

Turmoil at either end of a relationship is not necessarily conducive to a strategic partnership. But if the Saudis fear they may be losing a key White House ally in Jared Kushner, they are cheered by the prospect of Mike Pompeo as secretary of State.

Is popularity self-sustaining? Vladimir Putin faces a stiff set of challenges 鈥� including worsening relations with the West 鈥撀燼s he prepares to extend his rule.聽What buoys him at home? 鈥淸P]eople in the West don鈥檛 understand how Russians view him,鈥� says one former Kremlin adviser. 鈥淗e isn't comparable to his contemporaries鈥�. We can already see that he is a giant of Russian history.鈥�

It鈥檚 easy to say, with authoritarianism making high-profile appearances worldwide, that . This piece shows how the world鈥檚 largest democracy (and perhaps the world鈥檚 most populous nation ) provides a compelling counternarrative.

Sometimes misconceptions about the past can cloud issues that dominate the present. One brazen falsehood 鈥� that Irish migrants聽 faced hardships in the New World similar to those of African slaves and their descendants 鈥� has taken on a particularly insidious edge in new discussions of racial justice.聽

The list keeps getting longer, and for good reason.

On March 16, Jacob Zuma of South Africa became the latest current or former leader of a democracy to be charged with corruption. He now joins many other leaders 鈥� in nations from South Korea to Brazil, Israel to Argentina 鈥� who have recently faced prosecution because of rising calls to end a culture of impunity in high places.

With many countries embracing autocracy, every victory against a corrupt elected official can help ensure transparency and accountability in democratic states.

Mr. Zuma, who was forced to step down as president last month by the ruling African National Congress (ANC), faces charges related to a government arms deal in the late 1990s, before he was elected. For years he was able to fend off the charges, which only helped send a message that anyone in government can be a law unto themselves rather than to constitutional principles, such as equality before the law.

His political downfall came in large part from a robust combination of players committed to honest government in South Africa, such as civic activists, investigative journalists, and key prosecutors and judges. They all helped expose Zuma鈥檚 alleged self-enrichment. Ordinary citizens also began to see a connection between ANC corruption and their own economic woes.

The public upwelling against the ANC has forced the new president, Cyril Ramaphosa, to make a bold promise: 鈥淭his is the year in which we will turn the tide of corruption in our public institutions.鈥�

With the ANC鈥檚 popularity in decline, Mr. Ramaphosa knows he must unite the nation through a vigorous anti-graft campaign, starting within his own party. If he can shore up enough political capital, he might be able to achieve difficult reforms, such as equitable land distribution.

The other side of the argument, however, is that the 鈥渞ainbow nation鈥� of the late Nelson Mandela has a recent history of balancing harsh justice with necessary mercy for ex-rulers. South Africa is famous for its attempt to use a 鈥渢ruth and reconciliation commission鈥� to offer leniency for those who confess their apartheid-era wrongdoing. Ramaphosa could be tempted to pardon Zuma 鈥� if he is convicted 鈥� to prevent potential violence among Zuma鈥檚 ethnic base of Zulus in KwaZulu-Natal province.

But first the trial must proceed, and only then can South Africans send a yet another message to their leaders about the best standards of justice for the nation. Their values, not just their leaders, are at stake.