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An alternative path for Trump鈥檚 revolution

Like a few presidents before him, President Donald Trump is asserting full authority over all executive branch workers. Looking to some states, he may find better models for altering federal policies while upholding ideals of accountability.

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Reuters
President Donald Trump speaks to U.S. Justice Department workers on March 14, 2025.

Over the course of the first year of his second term in the White House, Donald Trump鈥檚 attempts to assert presidential authority over the whole executive branch might well be his defining legacy. If his actions prevail, they would bring a massive reshaping of America鈥檚 democratic republic.

He has fired officials from agencies or government positions long presumed to be independent in decision-making. And because Mr. Trump鈥檚 actions have brought lawsuits, a conservative-leaning Supreme Court seems poised to rule soon that the separation of powers between the three branches of government does allow such a 鈥渦nitary鈥 鈥 or powerful 鈥 executive.聽

To many Americans who voted for Mr. Trump, he is merely making good on his electoral legitimacy to fulfill campaign promises. He is altering the policies of the administrative state through the removal of 鈥渦naccountable鈥 government workers deemed to be opposed to the chief executive鈥檚 vision. A few previous presidents, from Andrew Jackson to Franklin Roosevelt to Richard Nixon, have assumed similar authority.

Such a maximal use of the presidency is seen by Trump backers as a type of accountability to a democracy鈥檚 ultimate sovereignty: the will of the people as expressed through elections. The Constitution states the United States president is solely charged to 鈥渢ake Care that the Laws be faithfully executed.鈥

鈥淎 feeble Executive implies a feeble execution of the government,鈥 wrote Alexander Hamilton.

To the opponents of a unitary executive, however, both Congress and the courts have put necessary checks on a president鈥檚 ability to fire career civil servants or meddle in regulatory agencies set up by Congress to tap professional expertise in solving today鈥檚 complex, long-term problems.

Agencies also have their own internal accountability, such as obedience to law. They must listen to public input and not necessarily a president who is self-serving, acts by whim, or will be out of office soon. They must provide reasoned justifications for their decisions.

There is also a third way, one that is now being practiced in some state governments that have leaned toward allowing stronger governors to shape agency behavior while improving the lines of accountability.

According to a report last year by the Manhattan Institute, about 20 states have made reforms since the 1990s that have decentralized hiring capabilities and the resolution of grievances to agency managers, allowed variation in pay-based on performance, and made many or almost all state workers to be employed at-will.

鈥淢ost observers and researchers agree that state reforms鈥 effects have been either positive or, at worst, neutral,鈥 says the report, Radical Civil Service Reform Is Not Radical. 鈥淭here have been general reports of improved performance with little evidence of politicization.鈥

In Indiana, for example, reforms led to fewer complaints by state employees and 鈥淸a]gency performance [was] up in almost every category, including customer service and teamwork.鈥

Rather than being punished or removed, civil servants in any government can be given incentives to change and allowed to face mistakes honestly and learn from failures. Through deliberation and consensus, elected leaders can help career officials through regeneration, not retribution.

Fear can be a hindrance to the listening and learning needed to align government in harmonious action. At its best, political accountability relies on humility and patience more than assertions of moral superiority. Many states are adopting such approaches.

鈥淕ubernatorial administration emerges as a promising vehicle for efficacious governing and a new source of state resilience,鈥 wrote Miriam Seifter, a law professor at University of Wisconsin, in a 2017 Harvard Law Review article.

States have long been laboratories for new ideas in governance. Yet, 鈥渄espite the decades of evidence, states鈥 reforms have had remarkably little impact on the conversation about the federal civil service,鈥 said the Manhattan Institute report. 鈥淭he federal government can and should learn from them.鈥

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