海角大神

Arabs, like others, don't buy into abuse of historic grievances

The Arab Spring reflects a trend away from people accepting leaders who try to exploit the ancient wrongs of other countries for their own political or violent ends.

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AP/Mohammed Asad
Workers from the American-backed National Democratic Institute wait as Egyptian officials raid their office in Cairo on Dec. 29. Egyptian police stormed non-governmental organization offices, searching through computer files for evidence of alleged foreign meddling in pro-democracy protests.

One welcome surprise of the Arab Spring is how young protesters have not bought into a big lie. From Libya to Syria, they have obviously rejected a claim by crumbling dictators that the West is behind the uprisings.

It鈥檚 an old narrative 鈥 that Arabs are victims of foreign hands, still being humiliated by big non-Muslim powers as in the 19th and 20th century. While much of that history is true, today鈥檚 Arabs simply want to focus on gaining rights, freedom, and dignity.

Their willingness to ignore historic grievances may represent a global shift away from the common misuse of history by leaders for political or even violent ends. The old 鈥淢uslim rage鈥 that once drove Arabs to support dictators or groups like Al Qaeda can鈥檛 compete with the lure of democracy and prosperity.聽

Another reason may be that the world has generally moved away from giant wars and other wholesale abuses that left deep emotional scars on entire peoples, from Jews to Armenians to Chinese. More countries are democratic, eager to trade not fight. Modern weapons give pause to their easy use. More countries follow international norms.

To be sure, such a shift isn鈥檛 easy. Palestinians and Israelis especially suffer from a mutual narrative of historic victimhood.

In South Korea, leaders are still struggling over how to let go of the sordid legacy of Japan鈥檚 35-year occupation. Last month, President Lee Myung-bak asked Japan to resolve the grievances of elderly Korean women who were forced to work as sex slaves for Japanese soldiers during World War II. Japan contends it officially settled up with South Korea on its war past in 1965. Lee had to admit that 鈥渢he past should not be a stumbling block on the way to the future.鈥

But in Poland, another country with a long history of being a victim, leaders have shown an amazing ability to seek understanding and avoid revenge.

At a 2010 ceremony marking the Russian massacre of thousands of Polish officers in 1940, the Polish leader asked that the two countries 鈥渢ransform violence and lies into reconciliation.鈥 Prime Minister Vladimir Putin responded聽 by saying 鈥渢here can be no justification for these crimes鈥 under Stalin鈥檚 totalitarian regime. 鈥淲e must move toward each other,鈥 he said.

That moment was similar to the postwar reconciliation between France and Germany, reflected in their leaders holding hands in 1984. Or an apology by Tony Blair for Britain鈥檚 historic mistreatment of the Irish.

These are examples of 鈥渉istory working itself out as grace,鈥 as New York University professor and author Lawrence Weschler puts it. They are necessary for healing old wounds and creating peace.

In recent years, China鈥檚 leaders have unleashed protests against Japan, France, and others by citing 19th- and early 20th-century abuse of their country, such as the opium war of 1839-42. Such appeals help stoke nationalism for the sake of keeping the Communist Party in power. But even party leaders have had to rein in such rhetoric of grievances in order to prevent such protests from turning on them.

How can countries reconcile? Often they need only try to write a common history decades later after a war. France and Germany did. South Korea and Japan tried but failed 鈥 although that is far better than North Korea citing Japan鈥檚 past abuses to justify military threats.

Some countries try to legislate history. Last month, French lawmakers made it a crime to deny the mass killing of Armenians by Ottoman Turks as genocide. Truth, it seems, must be imposed by force in France.

A victim mentality may be useful for a while in the pursuit of justice and truth, but at some point it can also be misused. Serbia鈥檚 late leader, Slobodan Milosevic, turned the Balkans into killing fields in the 1990s by stoking old Serb resentments to right ancient wrongs meted out by Muslims and others.

The late Osama bin Laden tried to rally Muslims based on the 鈥渉umiliation and disgrace鈥 of Islam by the West for 鈥渕ore than 880 years.鈥 His cause is on the ropes, not just because of his killing last year but because of the Arab Spring鈥檚 message that some bygones should be bygones. Violence can鈥檛 be justified by the distant past.

More people today are better educated and, with the Internet, more aware of other countries. They exhibit more empathy and fairness toward others, even old enemies.

That has been on display among the Arab youth, who welcome Western support 鈥 even its fighter jets 鈥 to their cause. They might as well be singing auld lang syne.

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