海角大神

Bill O鈥橰eilly is right. As a devout Democrat and a frequent O鈥橰eilly critic, I never imagined I鈥檇 write that sentence. But last week, the conservative Fox news talk-show host said something that makes real sense to me: Universities should institute affirmative action for conservative professors, so all the professors don鈥檛 think the way I do.

No, we鈥檙e not the wild-eyed Marxists that Mr. O鈥橰eilly and other right-wing pundits sometimes make us out to be. But we are overwhelmingly liberal, as the recent national elections confirmed. At the eight Ivy League schools, for example, a whopping 96 percent of faculty and staff who made campaign donations gave to President Obama鈥檚 re-election bid.

At Columbia University, 650 employees wrote checks for the Obama campaign, while only 21 made donations to Mitt Romney. And at Brown, 129 faculty members gave to Mr. Obama, and just one staff member 鈥� that鈥檚 right, a single individual 鈥� donated to Mr. Romney.

It鈥檚 not just an Ivy League thing, either. At the University of Wisconsin, only 4.5 percent of faculty and staff donations since 2011 have gone to Republicans. At the University of Connecticut, just 3 percent of campaign donations went to the GOP.

Is this a problem? I think it is. And might a conscious hiring effort on the part of universities 鈥� that is, an affirmative action program 鈥� help remedy it? I think it would.

To see why, have a look at the Supreme Court鈥檚 landmark 1978 affirmative action decision, Regents of the University of California v. Bakke. The ruling barred such quotas for minorities, ruling that race and ethnicity could be used as a 鈥減lus鈥� factor 鈥� but never as the only factor 鈥� in university admissions. The Bakke decision upheld special consideration in admissions for racial and ethnic minorities, on the grounds that 鈥渄iversity鈥� would enhance universities鈥� intellectual life.

In his opinion, Justice Lewis F. Powell quoted the Court鈥檚 1967 ruling in Keyishian v. Board of Regents, which struck down mandatory loyalty oaths for public school and university teachers and other state employees. 鈥淭he Nation鈥檚 future depends upon leaders trained through a wide exposure to that robust exchange of ideas which discovers truth 鈥榦ut of a multitude of tongues, [rather] than through any kind of authoritative selection,'" the Keyishian decision declared.

Powell also cited in his ruling a 1977 article by William G. Bowen, the then-president of Princeton University and one of the nation鈥檚 most articulate defenders of affirmative action. According to Mr. Bowen, as quoted by Powell, a racially diverse university would help students 鈥渢o learn from their differences and to stimulate one another to reexamine even their most deeply held assumptions about themselves and their world.鈥� The passages from Bowen that Powell references included the observations of a Princeton graduate student, who stated that 鈥減eople do not learn very much when they are surrounded only by the likes of themselves.鈥�

That鈥檚 exactly right. And it鈥檚 also why we need more right-leaning professors, who would accelerate the intellectual variation that Bakke imagined. Race-based affirmative action has made our universities much more interesting and truly educational places, adding a range of voices and experiences that hadn鈥檛 been heard before. Hiring more conservative faculty would do the same thing.

Have right-wingers suffered historic discrimination like ethnic and racial minorities? Of course not. But the Bakke decision explicitly rejected prior discrimination as a rationale for affirmative action. By compensating minorities for the sins of our past, the Court warned, we would cause 鈥渋nnocent persons鈥� 鈥� that is, members of the white majority 鈥� 鈥渢o bear the burdens of redressing grievances not of their making.鈥�

Indeed, it's not even clear that 鈥渄iscrimination鈥� against conservative professors exists today. As surveys of undergraduates have confirmed, conservative students are about half as likely as their liberal peers to express interest in an academic career.

But that鈥檚 all the more reason we should try to expand this pool, just as we do with minority students. And the more conservative professors we manage to hire, the more likely it will be that other right-leaning students will follow them into the academic profession.

I am not suggesting schools should have any kind of numerical quota for conservative professors, which every department or institution would have to reach. The Bakke decision clearly outlawed such quotas. We should simply take political leanings into consideration, just as we do with racial background, when reviewing candidates for academic positions.

Finally, I don鈥檛 envision affirmative action for conservative professors continuing indefinitely; once we鈥檝e achieved a better kind of ideological balance, I would want the program to end. And that鈥檚 precisely what the Supreme Court said about race-based affirmative action in Grutter v. Bollinger, its 2003 decision upholding Bakke.

鈥淚t has been 25 years since Justice Powell first approved the use of race to further an interest in student body diversity,鈥� Justice Sandra Day O鈥機onnor wrote. 鈥淲e expect that 25 years from now, the use of racial preferences will no longer be necessary...鈥�

I hold positions in two different academic departments, with a total of about 60 colleagues. As far as I know, not a single one of them is a Republican. The only way to change that imbalance, for the moment, is to actively and affirmatively seek out conservative faculty. And a quarter-century from now, I hope, we won鈥檛 have to.

Jonathan Zimmerman teaches history and education at New York University. He is the author of (Yale University Press).