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A series of drone strikes in Yemen in recent days have killed at least 40 alleged militants, highlighting the challenges facing the US and Yemen in directing a controversial anti-terrorism drone campaign that has proven effective in the past. 

The Yemeni government has openly acknowledged a role in the strikes, despite the fact that it has made noise about decreasing the use of such airstrikes to combat Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP), a local Al Qaeda franchise.

Yemen's interior ministry announced that at least 55 militants were killed, while the US gave a more conservative estimate of 40-something. At least three civilians were also killed, The New York Times reports.

Both the US and Yemen had a hand in the strikes, of which there were at least three between Saturday and Monday. US officials told the Times that the airstrikes were carried out by the Central Intelligence Agency, but the agency would not comment. Other anonymous officials said that a US military special operations unit carried out support on the ground, but the Pentagon declined to comment as well. The White House has referred all questions about the operation to the Yemeni government.

The Ministry of Defense told the Yemen Post that the Yemeni Air Force carried out the operation with US drones.

The Times reports that the US is trying to allow Yemeni President Abdo Rabbu Mansour Hadi to take most of the credit for the operation to bolster his credibility. Mr. Hadi has publicly acquiesced to US drone operations in Yemen, in contrast to his predecessor, Ali Abdullah Saleh, who was a vocal critic.

But Yemen, too, was sparse on details of the operation, and Adam Baron, a correspondent in Yemen who writes for the Monitor, notes that this is negating American efforts. 

Mr. Baron reports for McClatchy that the high rate of civilian casualties in drone strikes, particularly a hit in December that mistakenly targeted a Yemeni wedding party, has prompted a review of the US drone campaign, which is highly unpopular. But dissatisfaction is now coming up against an operation that could be considered a success, albeit a tainted one.

The backlash appears to have at least slowed the rate of such airstrikes in Yemen. The Long War Journal reported that there have been 11 strikes this year, including the four that happened this month, but that there were only 26 in all of 2013 – down from 41 in 2012. 

A Reuters analysis throws cold water on the idea that the drone campaign can debilitate AQAP while Yemen itself changes little. Noting "a weak central government, a rivalry-ridden and poorly equipped security force, endemic poverty and corruption," it describes Yemen as "the ideal haven."

Reuters also notes that when drone strikes cause civilian casualties – whether as a byproduct of a successful strike or directly because of inaccuracy or poor intelligence – they can increase popular support for militancy. Yemeni political scientist Abdulghani al-Iryani told the news agency that there was a "sharp increase" in Al Qaeda's numbers after the drone campaign began in 2003 – from a few hundred to an estimated several thousand now.

"The fact that both the Yemeni and the U.S. governments have relied too heavily on the use of drones as an expedient way to postpone the resolution of the problem rather than having a proper, comprehensive approach to the problem, has contributed to the expansion of al Qaeda in Yemen," Mr. Iryani said.

Given the Yemeni Army's weak grip in much of the country, drones are the easiest answer in the country, said Charles Lister, a visiting fellow at the Brookings Doha Center and expert in militant groups. Still, that doesn't mean it's an effective option:

The Los Angeles Times reports that the strikes were a direct response to a boastful video of a large Al Qaeda gathering that occurred last month but began making US headlines only last week.