海角大神

Is Iran still a revolutionary state, bent on 鈥渞esistance鈥� against US and Israeli 鈥渉egemons鈥� and 鈥渕ilitarism?" Or is it a peace-loving Islamic Republic preaching tolerance and moderation, ready to bury decades of anti-US mistrust and make a deal on its nuclear program?

Both are true, judging by Iranian President Hassan Rouhani's聽high-profile speech聽to the United Nations yesterday 鈥撀爃is first step onto the world stage since winning June elections with the slogan 鈥渉ope and prudence.鈥澛�

When the centrist president finally stood at the marbled UN podium in聽his聽white turban and immaculate clerical robes, his words demonstrated the fine balance Mr. Rouhani must achieve between noisy hardliners at home, who fear he is compromising the values of Iran鈥檚 1979 Islamic revolution, and reformists in Iran and worldwide who want and expect substantial change 鈥� now.

Expectations could not have been聽higher, as聽a well-orchestrated Iranian charm offensive聽arrived in聽New York this week.聽Officials聽promised new diplomatic flexibility and an end to the bombast that marked the previous eight years under arch-conservative Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.

鈥淧eople all over the world are tired of war, violence, and extremism. They hope for a change in the status quo. And this is a unique opportunity 鈥� for us all,鈥� Rouhani told the UN chamber聽Tuesday.

Rouhani, a regime insider who negotiated an initial nuclear deal with European powers a decade ago, said he was 鈥渄eeply optimistic鈥� about the future, and said Iran was ready to 鈥渕anage [its] differences鈥� with the US and 鈥渞emove any and all reasonable concerns鈥� about its controversial nuclear program.

When Rouhani says, 鈥�'We can find a framework to manage our differences,鈥� that indicates Iran is prepared for a deal,鈥� says one聽reform-leaning聽Iranian analyst in Tehran, who asked not to be named.

Balancing act

Despite Rouhani's popular mandate, and current support from Iran鈥檚 highest authority, Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, he is facing聽low-boil聽opposition from hardline circles that he is moving too far, too fast.

That may聽explain聽the last minute decision by Iran yesterday not to take up an American offer of a highly symbolic handshake and brief encounter between Rouhani and President Barack Obama.

And it almost certainly accounts for the first half of Rouhani鈥檚 speech, which was aimed at his conservative audience inside Iran. In strong, sometimes elliptical language, he echoed the tone and positions聽also聽taken by Mr. Ahmadinejad and Mr. Khamenei.

鈥淐oercive economic and military policies鈥�negates peace, security, human dignity, and exalted human ideals,鈥� Rouhani said,聽referring to US-led sanctions against Iran, and US military efforts from Iraq and Afghanistan to Libya.聽

The 鈥減ersistence of Cold War mentality and bipolar division of the world into 鈥榮uperior us鈥� and 鈥榠nferior others,鈥� Rouhani said, fanned 鈥渇ear and phobia around the emergence of new actors [like Iran] on the world scene.鈥澛�

He聽repeated聽a聽Khamenei theme of building up聽鈥渋maginary threats."

鈥淥ne such imaginary threat is the so-called 鈥業ranian threat,鈥� which has been employed as an excuse to justify a long catalogue of crimes and catastrophic practices over the past three decades,鈥� said Rouhani, citing 鈥渢he arming of Saddam Hussein with chemical weapons鈥� and 鈥渟upporting鈥� the Taliban and Al Qaeda as examples of some of those crimes 鈥撀爐he exact same charge the US has made before against Iran.

Nevertheless, Rouhani's catalogue of issues between Iran and its rivals, gave way in the speech to a new outlook with "moderation" as the watchword.

鈥淎s an Iranian, I am satisfied鈥澛爓ith the speech,聽the analyst in Tehran says. 鈥淗e started by referring to the history of unfair behavior toward Iran鈥�it seems idealistic but it was really聽necessary,鈥� to remind his audience of the roots of decades of mutual hostility between Iran and its enemies.聽

No more enemies

Rouhani also hit other perennial revolutionary buttons for Iran. Without mentioning Israel by name, he said: 鈥淎partheid as a concept can hardly describe the crimes and the institutionalized aggression against the innocent Palestinian people.鈥�

On Syria, he blamed outside forces for 鈥渋nfusion of arms and intelligence鈥�and active support of extremist groups鈥� 鈥� without noting Iran鈥檚 similar clandestine support for the regime of President Bashar al-Assad.

On terrorism, Rouhani condemned it as a 鈥渧iolent scourge鈥� and said 鈥渒illing of innocent people represent the ultimate inhumanity of extremism and violence.鈥� He made no mention of the official US view that Iran remains the chief state sponsor of terrorism.

From drone attacks on 鈥渋nnocent people in the name of combating terrorism鈥� to assassinations of Iran鈥檚 nuclear scientists to US-led sanctions that have聽caused聽Iran鈥檚 economy聽to shrivel, Rouhani listed reasons to be wary.

But he did not use the term 鈥渆nemy鈥� or other belittling vocabulary long common in Iran鈥檚 revolutionary discourse.聽He later told CNN's 海角大神e Amanpour in an interview that聽Americans 鈥渁re very near and dear to the hearts of the Iranian people,鈥� and 鈥撀爄n a direct departure from the Holocaust-questioning Ahmadinejad 鈥� said the World War II Nazi crimes against Jews were 鈥渞eprehensible and condemnable.鈥�

鈥淭he taking of human life is contemptible,鈥� Rouhani told CNN. 鈥淚t makes no difference if that life is a Jewish life, 海角大神, or Muslim. For us, it is the same.鈥�

The scaling back of angry rhetoric is聽a nod to the vastly improved prospects for rapprochement with the West.

In his speech to the UN just a few hours earlier, Obama spoke about 鈥淚ran鈥檚 pursuit of nuclear weapons鈥� 鈥撀爓hich聽Iran publicly聽denies and聽US intelligence agencies conclude was halted by Iran in 2003. But he also聽noted that Iranians had been 鈥減oisoned in the many tens of thousands鈥� by chemical weapons during the Iran-Iraq war.

鈥淲e鈥檙e not seeking regime change and we respect the right of the Iranian people to access peaceful nuclear energy,鈥� said Obama. Until yesterday, the only explicit statement to Tehran that the US was not pursuing 鈥渞egime change鈥� in recent years 鈥� amid a 鈥渃overt war鈥� that has included the assassinations of nuclear scientists in Tehran, unexplained explosions, espionage, Stuxnet and other computer viruses 鈥撀爓as embedded in a private letter sent years ago by Obama to Khamenei.

鈥淲e should be able to achieve a resolution that respects the rights of the Iranian people, while giving the world confidence that the聽Iranian [nuclear] program聽is peaceful,鈥� Obama said. 鈥淭he roadblocks may prove to be too great, but I firmly believe the diplomatic path must be tested.鈥�

How far that path can go depends on the power of naysayers in both Tehran and Washington.

Short-lived triumph?

A taste of聽the pushback came in the hardline Kayhan newspaper,聽where writer Mohammad Imani asked readers to 鈥渋magine鈥� what might happen if 鈥渁 taboo is broken鈥� and there is an Obama-Rouhani handshake, or even a typical Iranian greeting among men of an embrace and a kiss.

鈥淭hose who for some time have been envious of eating this forbidden fruit will be drowned in excitement for hours. Then what?鈥� writes Mr. Imani, according to a translation by Al-Monitor. 鈥淪ay that the clean hands of our president for some moments are in the bloody hands of Obama. Then what have we acquired, and what have we lost?鈥�

Mojtaba Mousavi, an Iranian political commentator close to leadership circles, told The New York Times in Tehran, 鈥淥ur leader is convinced the ultimate goal of the US is to foil our spirit of confrontation and change our behavior. The basis of our revolution is fighting the hegemonic powers.鈥�

Still, Rouhani ended his speech saying a 鈥渂right future awaits the world,鈥� and quoted the Quran: 鈥淎nd We proclaimed in the Psalms, after We had proclaimed in the Torah, that My virtuous servants will inherit the earth.鈥�