海角大神

A taboo in Israel was broken this week when an Arab party joined a ruling coalition for the first time in decades.

The inclusion of the small Islamic Raam party was the final puzzle piece needed to topple Benjamin Netanyahu as prime minister after 12 years in power, but it represents an enormous political gamble.

If joining achieves the goal of uplifting the Arab minority, which historically has been聽marginalized and聽lags behind the Jewish majority in almost every indicator, from education and infrastructure to income levels, it could change the face of the nation.

If it fails at a time when the majority of Arab-Israeli voters support a seat at the decision-making table, it could destroy their confidence in Israeli politics.

鈥淚s it a game-changer? That鈥檚 the most important question to be asked, and it鈥檚 not easy to answer because the test will be in the future,鈥� says Sammy聽Smooha, a professor聽emeritus of sociology at the University of Haifa and expert on Arab-Jewish ties in the country. 鈥淏ut as we鈥檝e known Arab and Jewish politics in Israel until now, it鈥檚 a very significant change.鈥�

Professor Smooha notes that since 1948,聽Arab parties were only聽engaged in the politics of opposition, because they did not want to join governments, but also to a large extent, because of exclusion.

鈥淲e now have an Arab national political party that is eager to be part of a government and to play the game of Israeli politics, something we鈥檝e never had before,鈥� he says.

Netanyahu paved the way

Mr. Netanyahu鈥檚 political legacy can be seen in part through the prism of his relations with Arab citizens, whom he spent years demonizing as a threat to the country, especially during election campaigns.

But this year, after Israel鈥檚 fourth election in two years, and seeing his political survival at stake, he pivoted to court聽the socially conservative Raam, whose name is the Hebrew acronym for United Arab List. The irony is that this paved the way for right-wingers in the 鈥渃hange鈥� coalition arrayed against Mr. Netanyahu to accept Raam鈥檚 four Knesset members as partners, creating this breakthrough moment.

Yet many聽Arab citizens are wary of the decision to sit in a government led initially by former Netanyahu ally Naftali Bennett. He leads a right-wing party and once headed the Jewish settlement movement. They fear Raam, whose coalition agreement focuses on socioeconomic pledges, might abandon the broader struggle for equality and Palestinian rights.

So it鈥檚 a聽high-stakes move for Raam leader Mansour Abbas, a dentist turned politician who grew up in a mixed 海角大神, Muslim, and Druze village in the Galilee, where he learned early the art of compromise. He must deliver on his promise of improving the lives of Arab citizens, and avoid being seen as a fig leaf for inequality within the new government.

The challenge is all the more acute amid the soaring mutual Jewish-Arab mistrust and fear following unprecedented internecine violence in May, when tensions over Jerusalem and Israel鈥檚 most recent war with Hamas in Gaza boiled over into the聽streets of mixed Jewish-Arab cities.

The Joint List, the umbrella Arab political party from which Raam broke off this year, voted Sunday against the new government,聽which was approved by just one vote in parliament. It was an intentional rebuke of Raam, whom they see as betraying the wider Arab public by not making social justice and equality issues, alongside the rights of Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza, a condition for joining the coalition.

鈥淏eing in the government cannot be a goal in itself if it means taking responsibility for a political platform of this government, so no, I don鈥檛 share in the celebration,鈥� says Yousef Jabareen, a law professor and聽former Joint List Knesset member. 鈥淚 don鈥檛 see this as an historic moment. For me it鈥檚 a sad moment because I鈥檓 afraid Raam will serve as cover for the government strengthening the occupation and settlements and continuing discriminatory policies.鈥�

Risks for all parties

Although Dr. Jabareen鈥檚 party was the first Arab party to champion the idea of joining a coalition, the point was, he says, not to join any government, and certainly聽not one with a majority of right-wing coalition partners.

The unity of this new, fragile coalition 鈥� spanning parties from聽the right, left, and center 鈥� is an illusion, he argues.

鈥淲henever security tensions arise, whether it鈥檚 another war with Gaza, or another [police] invasion of Al-Aqsa Mosque鈥� in Jerusalem,聽鈥渙r brutal attacks on Arab demonstrators, the Arab youth will聽raise their voice against the government and specifically Raam, for giving it legitimacy,鈥� he says.

Arik Rudnitzky, a researcher in the Israel Democracy Institute鈥檚 Arab-Jewish Relations Program, notes, however, 鈥淭here鈥檚 great risks here聽for all the parties involved in this unusual coalition.

鈥淎ll have聽a lot to lose, so it鈥檚 either they watch one another鈥檚 backs or lose all together,鈥� he says. 鈥淧erhaps that will聽serve to bind them together聽in order to make this coalition hold on for at least a couple of years if not a full term.鈥�

The difference in approach between Raam and The Joint List is one of pragmatism versus聽ideology, says Dr. Rudnitzky, an ongoing debate within the diverse Arab electorate.

Raam has taken a page from ultra-Orthodox Jewish parties that have sat in the majority of Israel鈥檚 coalitions (though notably, not the new one) no matter what their politics, as long as they deliver on funding for their communities.

But Raam has crossed all the traditional 鈥渞ed lines鈥� for an Arab party.聽The absence of a focus on national Palestinian issues, long a thorn in the side of right-wing Jewish parties that used it as a way to cast doubt on Arab parties鈥� loyalty to Israel, makes Raam more acceptable to the Jewish majority as a whole, Professor Smooha argues.

鈥淚t sharpens the distinction between a 鈥榞ood Arab鈥� and a 鈥榖ad Arab,鈥� he says. 鈥淎 鈥榖ad Arab鈥� is seen as subversive for having a Palestinian identity, and can even be seen as a traitor.鈥�

Mr. Bennett himself had called Dr. Abbas 鈥渁 supporter of terror鈥� in the past, something he apologized for in a recent television interview where he hailed him as 鈥渁 decent man ... a brave leader.鈥�

鈥淩un out of options鈥�

The shift that Dr. Abbas has embraced is reflected in the surveys showing the Arab public鈥檚 view that it鈥檚 time to have a聽seat at the table.

鈥淭hey have run out of options as nothing else has led to the changes they seek 鈥� so they need a change,鈥� says Muhammed Khalaily, a researcher in the Arab society program at the Israel Democracy Institute.

One area where Raam needs to deliver is government recognition of some of the Bedouin villages in Israel鈥檚 Negev desert, largely shantytowns without access to basic services like electricity or water. The party鈥檚 main electoral support comes from Bedouin communities. Other goals are significantly increased budgets to address decades of systemic neglect of Arab towns, schools, and basic infrastructure, and repeal of a law that disproportionately punishes Arab聽citizens for constructing homes without permits.

Rula Daoud, an activist in Standing Together, a grassroots organization of Jews and Arabs working for equality and social justice in Israel, lives in Lod, a mixed city that saw the worst of the Arab-Jewish violence in May.

She is among those Palestinian citizens of Israel who say they are not joyful about the new government, although she is relieved Mr. Netanyahu is no longer in power.

鈥淚 can鈥檛 be joyful today because tomorrow we are not going to wake up to be equal,鈥� Ms. Daoud says, adding she resents Dr. Abbas for playing up to what she sees as the 鈥済ood Arab鈥� role.

鈥淚f he is really successful, it says that if you give up on a certain ideology you can survive, which is bad for us as a Palestinian community in Israel,鈥� she says. 鈥淎nd if he fails you can say, 鈥榃e have tried everything, but still have no voice, no influence.鈥�

鈥淚 see this as a lose-lose situation. But maybe I should be more optimistic,鈥� she says. 鈥淭he one good thing is finally the Palestinian community is not embracing just聽one way of thinking.鈥�

Mr. Khalaily, noting that Arab parties have been in the opposition for years, says, 鈥淚t is an historic moment, a significant change for Arab parties to get off the bench and onto the court [of government]. But there鈥檚 still no proof it will bear fruit.鈥�