海角大神

From the lecterns of mass rally stages, and during live television debates, Iran鈥檚 presidential candidates have crossed multiple regime red lines in their bids to cast opponents as dangerously unfit for office.

Even by the rough-and-tumble tradition of Iranian politics, the run-up to the May 19 election has been especially combative, engulfing presidential contenders with starkly opposing worldviews in charges of lying, corruption, and misrule, and underscoring the deep polarization of Iranian society.

Energized by the electoral fisticuffs, thousands of Iranians have taken to the streets each night, with activists from both sides 鈥� either seeking change, or fearing it 鈥� expressing their views in noisy traffic jams.

鈥淚 am leaving nothing to chance,鈥� says Sina, a master鈥檚 student in civil engineering from Tehran, who skipped voting in the last election but won鈥檛 miss this one. A hard-line victory, he says, will worsen Iran鈥檚 ties abroad, 鈥渃ollapse the economy, and undermine freedoms.鈥�

Iran鈥檚 tightly controlled political space always expands before an election, but never before with such vicious personal attacks, uncensored exchanges that have cast a shadow over the reputation of the Islamic Republic.

Incumbent President Hassan Rouhani accuses his hard-line opponent, cleric Ebrahim Raisi, of knowing only 鈥渄eath and imprisonment鈥� 鈥� an oblique reference to Mr. Raisi鈥檚 role in ordering the execution of thousands of political prisoners in 1988, an event usually taboo to talk about in Iran 鈥� and charges that victory for Raisi will stymie budding freedoms and return Iran to a dark period of isolation.

Raisi, in turn, accuses Mr. Rouhani 鈥� who championed the 2015 nuclear deal with Western powers as providing a path to prosperity 鈥� of 鈥渄eceiving鈥� Iranians with unfulfilled promises, 鈥渟tarving people鈥� by neglecting the poor, and betraying Iran鈥檚 revolutionary credentials by selling out to the West. Raisi鈥檚 supporters chant, 鈥淒eath to the liar!鈥� at campaign rallies.

The blunt violation of taboos dramatizes the knife-edge balance demanded of Iran鈥檚 supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, as he seeks to simultaneously allow and contain dissent, ensuring enough democratic expression to validate the regime with a聽majority-accepted聽choice for president, while stopping short of undermining it.

Polls indicate a close race, with Rouhani ahead, but with his early lead slipping.

Call for a high turnout

Mr. Khamenei has called for a mass voter turnout on election day, despite the risks that higher turnout often yields more support for reform-minded candidates. Ever since Iran鈥檚 1979 Islamic Revolution, a high turnout has been equated with regime legitimacy, whatever the outcome.

But at the same time, Khamenei warned that anyone who did not accept the result would receive a 鈥渟lap in the face.鈥� On Wednesday he praised Iranians for creating 鈥減eace and security鈥� before the vote, but said it was 鈥渓ikely that some individuals鈥� might try to break the law.

In a veiled jibe at Rouhani, he also said the fierce rhetoric of the campaign 鈥渄id not suit the dignity of the Iranian nation.鈥� And, in a reference to the months of street protests that followed the disputed vote in 2009, which were suppressed with a heavy-handed crackdown, he added that Iran had 鈥渓earned from the experiences of the past鈥� that 鈥渦nlawfulness can be so harmful.鈥�

But the perennial tension between the republican and theocratic pillars of the Islamic Republic means there are limits as to how much influence Khamenei can exert. That is one reason, analysts say, for the signs of high-level anxiety over the vote.

鈥淭he dynamics of Iranian politics make it very, very difficult for the leader to come out and publicly take a side in this or any election,鈥� says Farideh Farhi, an Iran expert at the University of Hawaii.

鈥淭hat ambiguity creates opportunities for voters to make a statement about the direction they want the Islamic Republic to go, even if that is not the direction the leader or the establishment would like it to go,鈥� Ms. Farhi says.

Still, there is apathy

In that vein, Rouhani has cast himself as an anti-establishment candidate 鈥撀爋r at least, as the anti-hard-line candidate 鈥� in his bid to woo undecided voters and convince the 40 percent of Iran鈥檚 55 million eligible voters who often don鈥檛 show up to make the effort.

鈥淢ost agree that if people go and vote, Rouhani would win,鈥� says Farhi. 鈥淎nd that鈥檚 one of the ways he鈥檚 trying to motivate people to vote, [by raising] the possibility that Iran will be re-securitized, whether that鈥檚 true or not.鈥�

Still, there is no shortage of apathy.

鈥淚t鈥檚 just a show, nothing is going to change,鈥� says Tehran toy shop owner Amirali. 鈥淚鈥檓 just a businessman, I don鈥檛 care about these games.鈥�

Yet those in the game say the choice is stark. Rouhani says a second four-year term would enable Iranians to 鈥渃ontinue down the path of freedom of speech,鈥� and to 鈥渃ontinue engaging in honorable interaction with the world.鈥�

By contrast, he warned last month, a hard-line victory would 鈥渂egin confrontation with the world and bring back the ominous shadow of war.鈥�

鈥淲e鈥檝e entered this election to tell those who practice violence and extremism that your era is over,鈥� Rouhani said at one rally last week.

鈥淭he people聽will聽say no to those who over the course of 38聽years聽only executed and jailed,聽those聽who cut out tongues and sewed mouths shut, [who] banned the pen and banned the picture,鈥澛燫ouhani said at another rally.聽鈥淧lease don鈥檛 even breathe the word freedom, for it shames freedom."

Raisi rejects 'scaremongering'

The president was referring to Raisi鈥檚 position as a judge on a four-member panel in the late 1980s, which came to be known as the 鈥渄eath committee.鈥� It carried out two fatwas, or religious injunctions, by the founder of the Islamic Republic, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, that targeted for execution several thousand jailed members of the opposition Mojahedin-e Khalq, and 鈥渁postates.鈥�

This week, Raisi rejected the 鈥渟caremongering,鈥� and defended his past actions as a young prosecutor: 鈥淢y record is removing the ominous shadow of terrorism over the country. Have you forgotten it?鈥澛燫aisi told a Tehran rally.

On the campaign trail itself, there has been no holding back. Three lengthy, live televised debates between the six approved candidates 鈥撀爓innowed down by the Guardian Council from 1,636 who registered to run 鈥� turned into a spectacle of mud-slinging and character assassination.

While each tried to portray themselves as populists with a common touch, they accused each other of being corrupt elitists who have forsaken revolutionary ideals.

鈥淎fter this election mudslinging, and worse 鈥� the reaction of the people is, 鈥榃ell, all of them are thieves, why should I vote for these people?鈥欌�� says a veteran Iranian analyst in Tehran, who asked not to be named.

鈥淚n the back of their minds, people always had this pessimism about people in power, that they are dishonest, after their own personal interests,鈥� says the analyst. 鈥淏ut suddenly [hearing that] coming out of the mouths of the highest people in power on TV? This was unexpected.鈥�

Applause lines

That resonated with voter Zahra, a 30-year-old sales rep for a food company who wears a loose headscarf.

鈥淐rossing red lines is good, it helps people know their candidates better,鈥� she says. 鈥淓ven indifferent people now feel it鈥檚 necessary to vote, not to let things get worse, at least.鈥�

In his campaign, Rouhani has spoken against morality police squads arresting young people on the streets. This week he lashed out at state-run TV for what he called selective analysis of the debates that unsubtly favored his opponent. He said the era when state broadcasters 鈥渃ould dominate the people鈥檚 mind is over.鈥�

And in his final campaign rally, on May 17, Rouhani told the Revolutionary Guard and Basij ideological militia to get out of politics, and on voting day to 鈥渟tay in their own place for their own work.鈥� Both forces were used to quell the unrest in 2009.

Loud cheers erupt whenever Rouhani mentions his popular 鈥渂rother,鈥� former President Mohammad Khatami, whose images and words have been banned from the media because of his support for the 2009 Green Movement.

Mr. Khatami鈥檚 last-minute backing in 2013 was instrumental to Rouhani鈥檚 narrow victory, and Khatami called on supporters to vote for him again, 鈥渇or freedom of thought 鈥� rule of law [and] human rights.鈥�

Expecting the unexpected

Officials have taken steps to ensure that this freewheeling campaign doesn鈥檛 translate into post-election unrest over the result. Plainclothes security forces reportedly have been deployed, and human rights groups say a number of pro-Rouhani and reformist journalists and activists have been arrested in the past six months.

Last month, a dozen administrators of Telegram 鈥� a social media messaging app popular in Iran, and used for mobilizing activists 鈥� reportedly were arrested. A Telegram voice communicator was also blocked by the judiciary, because it was deemed to be 鈥渁gainst national security.鈥�

One night this week, the veteran analyst saw riot police deployed at an intersection where protesters often gather in Tehran.

鈥淚 look around, I don鈥檛 feel that anything is going to happen, I don鈥檛 see signs of something brewing,鈥� says the analyst. But the police deployment 鈥� and warnings from Khamenei that he would 鈥渃onfront鈥� any challenge to the results 鈥撀犫�渋s an indication of how nervous people in security are about the situation,鈥� he says. 鈥淭hey are expecting the unexpected.鈥�

A special correspondent in Tehran contributed to this report.