Ursula von der Leyen: The making of Europe鈥檚 top leader
Ursula von der Leyen was an unexpected choice for president of the European Commission. But observers say she has impeccable credentials for the post.
Ursula von der Leyen was an unexpected choice for president of the European Commission. But observers say she has impeccable credentials for the post.
When Daniel Goffart and Ulrike Demmer published their biography of Dr. Ursula von der Leyen five years ago, the reason for their interest in Germany鈥檚 then-defense minister was clear from the book鈥檚 title: 鈥淭he Chancellor in Waiting.鈥
Now their publisher is rushing out a new edition, titled simply 鈥淯rsula von der Leyen.鈥 She is not going to be Angela Merkel鈥檚 successor, as her biographers had expected. Instead, to continent-wide surprise, Dr. von der Leyen has become president of the European Commission, her term having started on Dec. 1.
Dr.聽von der Leyen emerged unexpectedly as a compromise presidential nominee in July, breaking an EU summit deadlock over how to share out the bloc鈥檚 top jobs. She is taking over at a delicate moment, with the union鈥檚 28 members divided over issues such as immigration and climate change, and Britain expected to pull out of the EU early next year.聽
As president of the commission she will shape the EU鈥檚 policy agenda and sit atop the institution that supervises member states鈥 budgets, handles international trade negotiations, and acts as a competition watchdog.
But聽Dr. von der Leyen, the first woman to take the European Union鈥檚 top job, has impeccable credentials for the post, observers say. She was born in Brussels where her father was one of the pioneer pan-European diplomats, she speaks fluent English and French, and in her ministerial career she has forged close ties with Germany鈥檚 neighbors.
鈥淪he doesn鈥檛 just believe in Europe, she embodies that and radiates it,鈥 says Jan Techau, a political analyst at The German Marshall Fund of the United States think tank in Berlin. 鈥淭hat is a huge part of the deal.鈥
Dragging her party into the 21st century
Dr.聽von der Leyen arrives in Brussels with the reputation of a resilient and determined survivor, the only minister to have served in all of Chancellor Merkel鈥檚 cabinets since 2005 (while raising seven children).
She has politics in her blood. Her father became state premier of Lower Saxony and Ursula was his favorite daughter, says Mr. Goffart. 鈥淪he would sit next to him and follow his discussions with his political visitors. She was infected with politics from childhood.鈥
But she did not immediately choose a political career. She studied economics and then medicine, going on to practice as a gynecologist. Only when she was 42 did she follow in her father鈥檚 footsteps.
She may have started late, but she moved fast, propelled by her famous pedigree, her TV-friendly style, and her appetite for work. No sooner had she won her first election to the state parliament in Lower Saxony than she was made a state minister. Two years later Ms. Merkel tapped her to be family affairs minister in her first government.
In that job, and later as labor minister, she made a name for herself as a briskly modern reformer dragging her party, the center-right 海角大神 Democratic Union, kicking and screaming into the 21st century.
The CDU was largely a party of old white men who thought a woman鈥檚 role should be limited to 鈥kinder, k眉che, kirche鈥 鈥 children, kitchen, church 鈥 says Mr. Goffart. 鈥淢erkel and von der Leyen abolished that.鈥
Among聽Dr. von der Leyen鈥檚 hallmark policies with a strong feminist flavor: providing daycare for all infants over 12 months, two months鈥 paternity leave for new fathers, and women鈥檚 quotas in the boardroom (though parliament voted this down). She also supported same-sex marriage.
Such reforms 鈥渨ere a very important cornerstone of her career,鈥 says Mr. Goffart.
Though she comes from a conservative background, 鈥渟he is on the progressive wing of the CDU,鈥 says Mr. Techau. 鈥淪he is not a conservative hardliner.鈥
Dr.聽von der Leyen herself has spoken of an 鈥渋nner freedom鈥 that she acquired in London during a year studying at the London School of Economics in the late 1970s, although she also admitted, in an interview with the German weekly 鈥淶eit,鈥 that 鈥淚 lived much more than I studied.
鈥淟ondon was the epitome of modernity: freedom, the joy of life, trying everything,鈥 she recalled in the interview. 鈥淔or me, coming from the rather monotonous, white Germany, that was fascinating.鈥
She also has fond memories of her years in California, where she lived when her husband was teaching at Stanford University, Mr. Goffart says. 鈥淪he found Americans much more tolerant of noisy kids than Germans. She said it was a lot easier to live with children there.鈥
While her years abroad may have given聽Dr. von der Leyen an international outlook, she honed her political skills in Germany, where negotiation and compromise form the bedrock of political life. 鈥淭hat鈥檚 her strength,鈥 says Mr. Goffart. 鈥淪he is used to finding compromises and that鈥檚 what you need in the EU.鈥
鈥淎 little over the top鈥
Already聽Dr. von der Leyen has shown signs of her inclination to be a conciliator, coming up with a policy platform striving for balance, that offers something to as many competing interest groups as possible.
But she is by no means a pushover, argues Mr. Techau. When she took over the Defense Ministry soon after Berlin abolished conscription, he recalls, she brought in measures to make military life more family friendly so as to attract more volunteers. 鈥淥ld soldiers and pundits gave her a lot of stick for that, but she showed no nerves and it paid off,鈥 he recalls.
Her public image, he adds, is of a 鈥渟trong-minded鈥 woman. 鈥淭here is a strictness to her, a directness, even a certain hardness.鈥
Dr.聽von der Leyen has also attracted criticism from CDU colleagues for grandstanding, reveling in photo ops that advance her own career and 鈥渟ometimes going a little over the top,鈥 explains Mr. Goffart, such as when she visited a German Air Force base looking like Tom Cruise, in 鈥淭op Gun鈥-style aviator sunglasses.
If such behavior has made her enemies in her own party, her performance at the Defense Ministry 鈥 where she had several run-ins with the top military brass 鈥 has disappointed many Germans; she left office as the second least popular minster in the cabinet. 鈥淪he was a falling star,鈥 says Dr. Gero Neugebauer, who teaches politics at the Free University of Berlin. 鈥淪he started strong and ended weak. But she survived.鈥
The general perception that she had failed at the Defense Ministry, however, put an end to her ambition to succeed her boss, Ms. Merkel, and three months ago her political career appeared to be reaching its end.
鈥淧erhaps she was surprised by her good luck,鈥 says Mr. Goffart. 鈥淚 think she must be really happy now to have a chance that she never expected.鈥