海角大神

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How Venezuela鈥檚 opposition leader went from political fringe to center stage

Venezuela鈥檚 government and opposition have both claimed victory in the July 28 presidential election.听Mar铆a Corina Machado鈥檚 name wasn鈥檛 on the ballot, but she has a big stake in the outcome.听

By Mie Hoejris Dahl , Contributor
Maracaibo and Caracas, Venezuela

Nearly three weeks after Venezuela鈥檚 hotly contested presidential vote, opposition leader Mar铆a Corina Machado continues to lead the protest movement againstPresident Nicol谩s Maduro and his government鈥檚 unsubstantiated claims of winning reelection.

Although she wasn鈥檛 the opposition鈥檚 presidential candidate (she was barred from running by the Supreme Court), Ms. Machado headlined the 鈥淧rotest for the Truth鈥 over the weekend, which brought thousands of Venezuelans and their supporters to the streets nationwide 鈥 and in places as far as Madagascar and Spain.

Ms. Machado is at the center of almost everything in Venezuela these days, not only听hailed as the country鈥檚 political future, but also often characterized as a spiritual icon. It鈥檚 a striking contrast to the many years she was viewed as a radical, far-right politician, too extreme even for her own party coalition.

The once-fringe figure, who was nationally booed for proposing the privatization of Venezuela鈥檚 oil industry, has become a beacon of hope for Venezuelans yearning for change after more than a decade of economic and political struggles under Mr. Maduro鈥檚 increasingly authoritarian rule. And her rise may say more about Venezuela itself than about changes in her personal politics or approach.

鈥淚t is no longer about left or right,鈥 says Eulice Villarroel, a former chavista, or supporter of the political and social movement launched by Mr. Maduro鈥檚 predecessor Hugo Ch谩vez.

Today, he says, this political moment has become a matter of 鈥渇reedom and democracy [versus] dictatorship.鈥

鈥淥ur last chance鈥

Earlier this summer, in the final days leading up to the July 28 presidential vote, Ms. Machado organized a caravan that drove nearly 435 miles from the capital, Caracas, to Venezuela鈥檚 second-largest city, Maracaibo. Crowds gathered in remote villages along the route, waving flags and handmade posters, and vying for a chance to interact with the politician. In Maracaibo, supporters held up posters heralding mantras like 鈥淟osing your fear is called liberty.鈥

Many credit her for garnering the opposition鈥檚 widespread turnout and popular support during the election 鈥 even though her name wasn鈥檛 on the ballot 鈥 the results of which have pushed Venezuela鈥檚 strongman leader into a corner.

鈥淪he is our last chance,鈥 says Aleida Osorio, who owns a beauty salon in an upscale Caracas neighborhood. 鈥淪he鈥檚 a leader with principles ... willing to risk it all.鈥

Venezuela鈥檚 electoral authority, considered loyal to the president, has said Mr. Maduro won a third term with nearly 52% of the ballots. The opposition says its candidate, former diplomat Edmundo Gonz谩lez Urrutia, won 67% of the vote. The government is refusing to release paper tallies to verify the results, despite growing international pressure.

Before former President Ch谩vez was elected in 1998, both rich and poor people here were disenchanted with the political elite. Mr. Ch谩vez oozed charisma and won favor among the long-ignored poor population, feeding the country鈥檚 vast oil profits into social programing. When he died in 2013, already oil production 鈥 and global prices 鈥 were faltering. He was replaced by his handpicked successor, Mr. Maduro, who leaned into the growing economic hardship by cracking down on those questioning his leadership or the future of chavismo.

The opposition has tried seemingly everything to regain control of the country since the emergence of chavismo, but it has repeatedly failed to unite. Even when the opposition agreed on candidates to back, one after another fizzled. There have been disagreements on how to confront chavismo, and the opposition and its international allies have tried a wide range of approaches from imposing sanctions on the government to boycotting elections to setting up a parallel interim government.

Along the way, Ms. Machado was the butt of jokes from both the left and the right. Mr. Ch谩vez belittled her in televised debates and his daily news conferences, referring to her as a 鈥渇ly,鈥 or a nuisance that could be easily swatted away. Even within the opposition, leaders mocked her.

Ms. Machado has proved many critics wrong, and not just in her staying power. She won the opposition鈥檚 primary elections in October with 92.5% of the vote. Venezuela experts say only Mr. Ch谩vez was able to mobilize crowds like Ms. Machado now does.

What once seemed radical 鈥 she was one of the first to call chavismo a dictatorship and referred to the government鈥檚 expropriation of private land and businesses as 鈥渢heft鈥 鈥 now has Venezuelans clamoring with approval.

鈥淪he hasn鈥檛 changed. She has always been the same. But we see her with different eyes now,鈥 says Ms. Osorio, who has always supported the opposition but only recently started backing Ms. Machado. 鈥淲hat has changed are the [Venezuelan] people鈥 who are fed up with corruption and perpetual crises.

Flexible 鈥 but firm

Ms. Machado has shifted her focus away from traditional left-right rhetoric, instead addressing core concerns that resonate deeply with Venezuelans: freedom, family reunification, and decent jobs for all.

This has helped her win over even former skeptics听like Ibrahim Ru铆z Castro, a driver in Caracas. Part of her appeal, he says, is that she is providing a realistic alternative to Mr. Maduro.

Ms. Machado鈥檚 adaptability is a hallmark of her campaign. 鈥淚 believe one can and should be very flexible. In fact, I think we鈥檝e demonstrated this with the strategy we鈥檝e used to confront the regime in recent months because we鈥檝e surprised them,鈥 Ms. Machado told the Monitor in July, referring to how the opposition pivoted after she was barred from running for president, backing a new candidate in record time. 鈥淔or that, you need to be agile, not predictable.鈥

鈥淢ar铆a Corina Machado has managed to unite people in a way that we have not seen the opposition united before,鈥 says Ryan Berg, director of the Americas Program at the Center for Strategic and International Studies. He points to her decades of preparation, courage to stand up to unprecedented government repression, and her charisma. 鈥淚t鈥檚 just sheer personality; she鈥檚 ... a force of nature,鈥 Dr. Berg says.

Ms. Machado has cultivated an almost religious presence in recent years. Many say they see her as their 鈥渟avior鈥 from the economic, political, and humanitarian challenges that have sent almost 8 million Venezuelans seeking refuge outside the country since 2014. She typically dresses in all white and adorns herself with handfuls of rosaries. Even with her name, Mar铆a, she evokes biblical imagery. Last week, the Cuban exile community in Miami nominated her for the Nobel Peace Prize.

A number of the opposition鈥檚 campaign staff have been in hiding for months due to government threats and arrests.听Despite threats from the government following the vote, Ms. Machado emerged from hiding on Aug. 17 to lead the opposition rally in Caracas. Mr. Gonz谩lez remains in hiding.

As protests, counterprotests, and police crackdowns fuel political uncertainty right now, diplomatic efforts explore solutions to the electoral crisis with proposals like fresh elections or power-sharing agreements. Ms. Machado remains resolute that the opposition won 鈥撎齛nd should be in charge of moving the nation forward. She has rejected the idea of an electoral redo.

鈥淚 do believe that when it comes to ethics, one must be intransigent,鈥 Ms. Machado says. 鈥淚 think Venezuelans have become intransigent in that sense.鈥